In a 1967 Massey lecture — his only address to a Canadian audience — Martin Luther King had praised Canada as “not merely a neighbour to negroes.”
The civil rights leader explained that in 19th century negro spirituals, American slaves had often sung of journeying to “heaven.” But the slaves were not singing about the hereafter; they were relaying coded instructions for an escape to freedom.
“Heaven,” said King, “was the word for Canada.”
His dream became ours, though even to this day we struggle to fulfill it. (Martin Luther King Jr.'s visit and speech rticle follows- check it out)
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SEPTEMBER 2, 2014
How the Civil War made
Canada
DEAN JOBB
September 1, 2014 - 7:01am
September 1, 2014 - 7:01am
Several
of the future Fathers of Confederation are photographed at the Charlottetown
Conference in September 1864 when they had gathered to consider the union of
the British North American colonies. Georges Etienne Cartier and Sir John A.
Macdonald are in the foreground. (WILLIAM JAMES TOPLEY / National Archives of
Canada)
During
the first week of September, 1864, as Gen. William T. Sherman’s capture of
Atlanta grabbed headlines, The New York Times took note of a modest gathering
far to the north, in the British colony of Prince Edward Island.
Two dozen
politicians from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and present-day Ontario and Quebec
joined local delegates in the island’s capital, Charlottetown, for a week-long
discussion “on the broad question,” the Times reported, “of a Federal Union of
the whole organized Provinces of British America.”
It was
the start of a nation-building effort that culminated in 1867 when four
provinces united to create the Dominion of Canada. And it was the beginning of
the end for the long-held belief that it was America’s right — its manifest
destiny — to possess the entire continent, from the Arctic to the Rio Grande.
External
forces dictated the timing of that initial conference 150 years ago. The Civil
War and fear of what the North might do next, once its armies had defeated the
South, hung like a shadow over the deliberations. And the lessons of America’s
nightmare of secession and war determined, in large measure, how its new
northern neighbour would govern itself.
It’s easy
for Canadians and Americans, long accustomed to sharing the world’s longest
undefended border, to forget the tensions of the Civil War era. We were “bad
neighbours in a dangerous neighbourhood,” as historian John Boyko put it in
Blood and Daring, his recent book on the war’s continental impact.
Britain’s
tacit recognition of the Confederacy inflamed public opinion in the North and
its colonies became a haven for Southern agents and blockade runners. Worse,
the Union’s seizure of Confederate officials from the British steamer Trent in
1861, a flagrant violation of neutrality, had brought the two countries close
to war. Washington had backed down and released the prisoners, but Lincoln’s
remark, that he preferred to fight “one war at a time,” was a warning that once
the South was defeated, Canada could be next.
The Trent
affair exposed the difficulty and horrendous cost Britain faced in defending
its remote and scattered colonies. It was time for Canadians to join forces and
fend for themselves.
Against
this backdrop the colonies’ leaders met in Charlottetown from Sept. 1-7, 1864.
There was a consensus that union was possible — and preferable to absorption or
annexation by the Americans.
But how
should this new nation’s government be structured? A federal state, with a central
government responsible for national affairs and each former colony retaining
jurisdiction over local affairs, was a logical approach. But the Civil War had
made federalism seem like folly, a formula that would lead inevitably to
sectional strife and disintegration.
John A.
Macdonald, the leading colonial politician of the day and destined to become
our first prime minister, favoured a single central government — a legislative
union like Britain’s — as “the best, the cheapest, the most vigorous, and the
strongest system of government we could adopt.”
But
political realities made a “one government” model a non-starter.
French-Canadians, who accounted for almost a third of the population, were
determined to protect their language, their Catholic religion and other
hard-won minority rights within the borders of their own province, Quebec.
In true
Canadian fashion, a compromise was reached.
The flaw
at the heart of the American system, as Macdonald and other Confederation
supporters saw it, was giving the states primacy over the central government
and reserving for them any powers not specified in the constitution. So each
former colony would retain its legislature and government and these provincial
administrations would oversee local matters such as education. The central
government would be responsible for national interests — defence, trade,
foreign affairs — and, crucially, all other matters not granted to the regional
governments.
“We have
thus avoided,” Macdonald would later explain, “that great source of weakness
which has been the cause of the disruption of the United States.”
The drive
to unite British America proceeded at surprising speed. Within three years the
new provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Ontario and Quebec had ratified
the deal and the British Parliament had given its assent.
Once the
war ended, the priority for Americans was reconstruction, not expansion. The
destinies of Canada and the United States would remain separate, not manifest.
And the legacy of the Civil War had been imbedded in Canada’s constitutional
DNA.
Dean Jobb is an associate
professor of journalism at the University of King’s College and author of
Empire of Deception, the true story of a master swindler in 1920s Chicago who
escaped to a new life in Nova Scotia, coming in 2015 from HarperCollins Canada.
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Dr. Martin Luther King in
Canada - 1a - Massey Lecture 1967 - Conscience for Change
COMMENT Thanks! Been
looking for these forever:
Photograph by Donald Uhrbrock, Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images
Civil Rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., born in Atlanta,
Georgia, in 1929, never backed down in his stand against racism. He
dedicated his life to achieving equality and justice for all Americans
of all colors. King believed that peaceful refusal to obey unjust law
was the best way to bring about social change.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s birth home still stands in Atlanta,
Georgia. King experienced racial prejudice early in life. Segregation
was both law and custom in the South and other parts of America.
Photograph courtesy the Library of Congress
Photograph by Ben Martin, Time Life Pictures/Getty Images
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and wife Coretta Scott King lead
demonstrators on the fourth day of their march from Selma to Montgomery,
Alabama.
King was arrested several times during his lifetime. In 1960, he
joined black college students in a sit-in at a segregated lunch counter.
Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy interceded to have King released
from jail, an action that is credited with helping Kennedy to be
elected President.
Photograph by Horace Cort
Photograph by Julian Wasser, Time Life Pictures/Getty Images
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. speaks to a large crowd. King, raised
in a family of well-off preachers, is considered one of the greatest
speakers in American history.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. waves to supporters from the steps of
the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. during the "March on
Washington." There, he delivered the "I Have a Dream" speech, which
boosted public support for civil rights.
Photograph by AFP, Getty Images
Photograph courtesy Hulton Archive/Getty Images
In 1964, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, which outlawed
racial segregation in publicly-owned facilities. Here, President Lyndon
B. Johnson shakes the hand of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at the signing
of the landmark piece of legislation.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and his wife, Coretta Scott King, sit
with three of their four children in their Atlanta, Georgia, home in
1963. His wife shared the same commitment to ending the racist system
they had both grown up under.
Photograph courtesy Associated Press
Photograph courtesy Keystone/Getty Images
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. received the Nobel Prize for Peace
from Gunnar Jahn, president of the Nobel Prize Committee, in Oslo on
December 10, 1964.
A large crowd of mourners follow the casket of Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr. through the streets of Atlanta, Georgia. King was assassinated
by James Earl Ray on April 4, 1968 on the balcony of the Lorraine
Motel. Americans honor the civil rights activist on the third Monday of
January each year, Martin Luther King, Jr. Day.
Photograph courtesy Hulton Archive/Getty Images
http://kids.nationalgeographic.com/content/kids/en_US/explore/history/martin-luther-king-jr/
http://kids.nationalgeographic.com/content/kids/en_US/explore/history/martin-luther-king-jr/
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We were so gloriously proud.... as Canadians
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NOW 54 YEARS- Canadian Bill of
Rights- from 1960
On
this, the 50th anniversary of the proclamation of the Bill of Rights, it will
do all Canadians well to remember John Diefenbaker’s words from the summer of
1960 as he described his duty: “I am a Canadian, a free Canadian, free to speak
without fear, free to worship God in my own way, free to stand for what I think
right, free to oppose what I believe wrong, free to choose those who shall
govern my country. This heritage of freedom I pledge to uphold for myself and
all mankind.”
Diefenbaker’s Bill of Rights
an act worth remembering
Today is the 50th anniversary of the
proclamation of the Canadian Bill of Rights, a lifelong dream of John
Diefenbaker.
Chris Fournier / Creative Commons
The statue of John Diefenbaker on Parliament Hill portrays him staring
defiantly forward as he clutches his Bill of Rights.
By: Arthur Milnes Inaugural Fellow in Political History Queen’s
University Archives, Published on Tue Aug 10 2010
Upon John Diefenbaker’s death in 1979 it was one of his successors as
prime minister who summed up the Prairie populist’s greatest achievement.
“I was struck,” Pierre Trudeau said, “by his vigorous defence of human
rights and individual liberties. The Bill of Rights
remains a monument to him.”
August 10 is the 50th anniversary of the proclamation of the Canadian
Bill of Rights. Had this lifelong dream of Diefenbaker’s not become a reality,
one could argue that Trudeau’s own Charter of Rights might not have come into
being.
It is indeed a monument to Diefenbaker. Quite rightly, the statue of our
13th prime minister on Parliament Hill portrays Diefenbaker staring defiantly
forward as he clutches his Bill of Rights.
Thanks to the tireless work by Diefenbaker — a former defence lawyer, a
Canadian of non-French or English origins, and a child of the Prairie west who
knew discrimination and had witnessed injustice far too many times in his life
— who began calling for a declaration by Parliament of the fundamental rights,
freedoms and responsibilities of Canadians from the moment he was first elected
in 1940, these crucial issues were put on the nation’s agenda.
“I believe the time has come for a declaration of liberties to be made
by this Parliament,” he thundered in the Commons in 1946. “Magna Carta is part
of our birthright. Habeas corpus, the bill of rights, the petition of right,
all are part of our traditions . . . freedom from capricious arrest and
freedoms under the rule of law, should be made part and parcel of the law of
the country.”
Diefenbaker made those comments at the dawn of the Cold War and the shocking
defection of Ottawa-based Soviet clerk Igor Gouzenko. It was an era of
Royal Commissions being held in secret and a draconian Official Secrets Act
holding sway. Entering into the “Red Scare” period — perhaps akin to the United
States right after 9/11 — it took a brave politician not to pander to public
opinion in the emerging ideological war against communism and the USSR.
Instead, the future prime minister stood on principle and fought for the civil
liberties of his generation of Canadians.
“The issue was genuine,” Diefenbaker biographer Denis Smith wrote in the
1990s. “It was a subject that suited his individualism, his sense of tradition,
his sympathy for the voiceless, and his rhetorical genius.”
The declaration that Diefenbaker bequeathed us 50 years ago this summer
was far from a perfect document by the standards of post-Charter Canada. It
was, of course, an Act of Parliament and not entrenched in the Constitution as
the Charter is today. It also only applied to areas of federal jurisdiction.
Seeking perfection, many legal experts at the time dismissed and
belittled Diefenbaker’s Bill of Rights. Smith’s biography of Diefenbaker, Rogue Tory, again describes the reaction of experts when
the government first publicly floated the idea.
“The challenge was instantly taken up at the annual meeting of the
Canadian Bar Association, where delegates, attacking on all fronts, called the
bill “downright dangerous,” “window dressing,” “a political show,” “a useless
piece of paper unless it was entrenched in the Constitution,” Smith wrote.
Dief forged ahead despite the criticism. Smith continues: “The bill was
a politician’s tentative step onto a high wire — but a step that no other
federal politician had dared to take.”
Trudeau’s brilliant principal secretary during the 15th prime minister’s
final term (1980-1984) was Tom Axworthy. He was at Trudeau’s side throughout
the constitutional negotiations that led to our Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
Axworthy once wrote the following concerning the crucial role he
believed the Bill of Rights played in our constitutional evolution:
“In 1982, the Constitution was finally amended and the Charter came into
force,” he wrote. “But this would never have happened if John Diefenbaker had
not lit the way with his lifelong dedication to human rights.”
On this, the 50th anniversary of the proclamation of the Bill of Rights,
it will do all Canadians well to remember John Diefenbaker’s words from the
summer of 1960 as he described his duty: “I am a Canadian, a free Canadian,
free to speak without fear, free to worship God in my own way, free to stand
for what I think right, free to oppose what I believe wrong, free to choose
those who shall govern my country. This heritage of freedom I pledge to uphold
for myself and all mankind.”
In a 1967 Massey lecture —
his only address to a Canadian audience — Martin Luther King had praised Canada
as “not merely a neighbour to negroes.”
The civil rights leader
explained that in 19th century negro spirituals, American slaves had often sung
of journeying to “heaven.” But the slaves were not singing about the hereafter;
they were relaying coded instructions for an escape to freedom.
“Heaven,” said King, “was
the word for Canada.”
His
dream became ours, though even to this day we struggle to fulfill it. The
Canada that listened to Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous speech 50 years ago
next week – as great a milestone in the slow, slouching march of race relations
in America as Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address a hundred years before –
congratulated itself on its mostly peaceful past, a past that included serving
as a refuge for escaped slaves.“Deep in our history of struggle for freedom,”
Dr. King said, “Canada was the North Star” – the star followed by the
Underground Railroad. “We sang of ‘heaven’ that awaited us and the slave
masters listened in innocence, not realizing that we were not speaking of the
hereafter,” he explained. “Heaven was the word for Canada.”
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http://www.docstoc.com/docs/19640426/canadian-bill-of-rights
---
John F. Kennedy Speech MAY 18, 1961- Kennedy wanted Canada 2 join the war in Vietnam- Diefenbaker refused....
CANADA - VIETNAM WAR- DRAFT DODGERS WELCOME- 40,000 CANADIANS WALKED THE TALK WITH THEIR BROTHERS AND SISTERS 2 VIETNAM- and the incredible horror treatment made many Vietnam troops coming home... saying - their ugly treatment by their own in their home country... was almost worst than the war... Jane Fonda/John Kerry - The Westboro Baptist Church of Vietnam 4 these honourable troops... we will never 4get...
----------------
GOD BLESS OUR MEN AND WOMEN OF VIETNAM.... HE WAS THE ONLY ONE BESIDES US AT HOME WHO ACTUALLY GAVE A SHEEEEET...
http://www.8th-4th-arty.com/
-------------------
Jane Fonda/John Kerry- the Westboro Baptist Church of Vietnam- God called the devil and told him... I am keeping my troops... u can have the trash
Canada's Vietnam Vet Memoral
Run 2 the North Wall XI- Canadians Vietnam
House bought across Westboro Baptist Church- bikers and vets and volunteers... decided on Rainbow colours.... so much heartbreak- freedom of speech does NOT include hatred of troops coming home the wrong way 2 be buried and surrounded by this evil... freedom of speech does NOT include pi**ing and burning ur nation's flag... it shames ur family...
John Kerry sitting behind Jane Fonda- u would not believe the cruelty and evil done 2 Vietnam Vets... u would not believe
Honorons Nos Soldats Canadians - Honour our Canadian Soldiers
We Are Canadian Soldiers
Todays canadian millitary. Song is the work of
Breaking Benjamin and all credit for it belongs to them. The song "Blow me
away" dose not belong to me and is used for entertainment porposes
----------------
And SELMA - A GLORIOUS MOVIE ABOUT THE BRILLIANT MAN WHO CHANGED HISTORY .... this incredible song of love and passion needs 2 soar around the world...
John Legend- Glory[SELMA]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HUZOKvYcx_o
http://www.docstoc.com/docs/19640426/canadian-bill-of-rights
---
John F. Kennedy Speech MAY 18, 1961- Kennedy wanted Canada 2 join the war in Vietnam- Diefenbaker refused....
JFK’s war with Diefenbaker
When the Kennedys came to Canada in
1961, the charismatic new U.S. president immediately angered the greying
Canadian prime minister, launching a behind-the-scenes diplomatic battle.
VIEW 4 PHOTOS
zoom
RAFFI ANDERIAN PHOTO ILLUSTRATION / TORONTO STAR Order this photo
A motorcade. A grassy knoll. An ominous
date with destiny.
No, not the calamitous one that springs
to mind instantly at the memory of John F. Kennedy.
This is Ottawa, not Dallas; 1961, not
1963. The first fateful trip — not the last — that the world’s most beguiling
couple would take as residents of the White House.
Yet the visit to Canada, though far
from deadly, was fraught in its own way, sowing seeds of resentment between JFK
and Prime Minister John Diefenbaker that would blossom over the next two years
into outright hatred.
That personal enmity, compounded by
America’s desire to enlist a reluctant Canada into Cold War geopolitics —
including the planting of nuclear weapons north of the border — rumbled, roiled
and eventually boiled, taking Canada-U.S. relations to an all-time low.
Ultimately, it brought down the
Canadian government, banishing Dief The Chief to the political wilderness
forever.
The acrimony to come was almost
unimaginable on the meticulously planned afternoon of May 16, 1961, when 50,000
people lined the streets of the Canadian capital, craning for a glimpse of the
inspirational Kennedys.
“More Security For Kennedy Than Queen,”
a banner headline in the Toronto Daily Star trumpeted. Reporter Val Sears
declared it “the biggest hello the nation’s capital has ever given.”
But Sears added a note of caution,
describing the rumble of distant thunder, literally and figuratively. “Weathermen
as well as diplomats are predicting some atmospheric uncertainty,” he wrote.
It was a day when Kennedy, barely four
months into his 1,000-day presidency, badly needed a lift — this young, shiny
president was already tarnished by the Bay of Pigs fiasco in April, when a
U.S.-sponsored invasion of Cuba failed miserably, crushed by Fidel Castro’s
troops in a single day.
Russia, meanwhile, spent the month
celebrating the breakthrough of the first manned space flight.
Moments after touchdown at Uplands
Royal Canadian Air Force Base at 4:28 p.m., Kennedy’s spirits soared. It was
instantly apparent — amid the din of silver trumpets, a 55-piece band and,
finally, a 21-gun salute from 109-mm field artillery — that Ottawa loved him.
And it was instantly apparent they
loved First Lady Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy much, much more.
“The Canadians were screaming, ‘Jackie,
Jackie’ in the streets, and Canadians just don’t scream like that normally,”
White House Social Secretary Tish Hollensteiner remembered for posterity in a
1964 oral history interview on file at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library
and Museum in Boston.
“This was the beginning of her
popularity, and I think he really looked at her with new eyes on this
occasion.”
That first visit to Ottawa was crucial
as a tone-setter for the tragically short-lived presidency that would be called
Camelot.
And it came with a few small comedies.
More than 500 Canadian schoolchildren convened at Uplands to greet the
Kennedys, waving out-of-date American flags that were two stars short. Theirs
had 48 stars, not 50 to account for the entry of Hawaii and Alaska into the
union in 1959.
Later, during a tour of Ottawa’s RCMP
barracks, Jackie walked behind a 16-horse Mountie honour guard — a protocol
design-flaw that sent the First Lady “nimbly sidestepping” horse droppings “to
avoid sullying her shoes.”
Jackie arrived with eight carefully
co-ordinated outfits, each designed especially for the Canada trip by
French-born American Oleg Cassini. For Diefenbaker’s luncheon on May 17, she
chose, according to an archival White House document, a “beige ribbed silk
ottoman two-piece dress, with bateau-necked sleeveless overblouse” and “a
slightly flared skirt with deep pleats on each side.”
Jackie’s breathtaking sophistication
was matched by two days of soaring — and at times, cheeky — oratory from JFK.
The two-term senator from Massachusetts
loved to laugh, and the first ad-libbed joke came at Diefenbaker’s expense. The
PM was first to the podium at the welcoming reception, offering a few words of
mangled French as part of his introduction. Kennedy remarked wryly that he
suddenly felt better about his own grasp of French, having listened to the
prime minister. The crowd loved it, exploding in laughter. Diefenbaker, perhaps
the most thin-skinned leader Canada had ever known, felt humiliated, falling
into a black mood (aided and abetted by earlier moments in which Kennedy twice
mispronounced his name).
But the shoe was most painfully on the
other foot a short while later, when Kennedy was led to the grounds of Rideau
Hall for the ceremonial planting of a red oak.
JFK, playing up his image of vigour for
the cameras, seized the shovel and dug heartily into a mound of dirt —
instantly reawakening an old back injury that would haunt him for his remaining
days.
That was the brittle context — Kennedy
in sustained agony from his tree outing, Diefenbaker in high dudgeon over
perceived disrespect — when the two met the morning after the president’s
arrival to attend to the hard business of the Ottawa trip.
Kennedy was the friendly aggressor on
continental defence while Diefenbaker was the coy deflector, pleading for time
so that he could better prepare Canadians for the unpopular idea of nuclear
weapons north of the border.
JFK also encouraged Diefenbaker to
pivot his attention to the Americas, north and south, by joining the
Organization of American States (OAS). Here again, Diefenbaker demurred,
according to diplomats’ accounts of the meeting.
A staunch nationalist and a true
believer in the fading Commonwealth, Dief saw advantage in continued close
trade with the U.K. as a bulwark against Canadian domination by the rising U.S.
superpower.
Yet the world was changing. Britain was
actively looking to enter the European Common Market, a move that would almost
certainly strip Canada and the rest of the Commonwealth of trade preferences.
They had issues. But the issues were
exacerbated by personal dissonance.
Dief, the wily if mercurial prairie
populist, was Old School: a devout Baptist, a Freemason, a teller of tales
about Churchill and Eisenhower. JFK, a rich man’s son, was New Frontier: the
first Catholic president, a war vet and the youngest-ever American chief of
state.
They were 22 years apart — Dief, 65;
Kennedy 43 — yet more than a generation separated them. One looked at the other
and saw brassy impetuousness; the other looked back and saw a musty bore.
Kennedy left the meeting and went on to
address a joint session of Parliament, where he couldn’t resist breaking the
ice with a jab at the unelected nature of the Canadian Senate. The most
striking difference between his system and Canada’s, said JFK, “is the lofty
appearance of statesmanship which is on the faces of the members of the Senate,
who realize they will never have to place their case before the people again.”
Kennedy’s snark met with hearty
laughter from those in Parliament, including nearly 100 senators.
But then Kennedy got lofty, laying out
the same challenge he set for Diefenbaker, including the entreaty to join the
OAS, much to Diefenbaker’s distress, but not including any specific talk of
nukes. JFK ended with what every contemporary press account seized upon as the
great aspirational message of the trip.
“Geography has made us neighbours,” he
said. “History has made us friends. Economics has made us partners. And
necessity has made us allies. Those whom nature hath so joined together, let no
man put asunder.”
Something was left on the table in
Ottawa that would prove the fatal blow to the Diefenbaker-Kennedy relationship.
In some interpretations, it was also the blow that ended Dief’s government.
The infamous Rostow Memo, provided for
Kennedy by adviser Walt W. Rostow, a war hawk who would go on to shape American
policy in Vietnam, contained bullet points of U.S. goals for the Ottawa
meeting, with emphasis on where Kennedy should “push.”
But “push” was a word that sent
Diefenbaker around the bend, awakening his hyper-nationalist anxieties.
It remains unclear to this day
precisely how the memo came into Diefenbaker’s hands. Did he find it on the
sofa after JFK’s departure? Was it discovered elsewhere in Ottawa and forwarded
to the PM? One U.S. diplomat years later suggested the memo was found by office
cleaners after both leaders had exited the room and was subsequently handed
over to Canadian officials.
However he acquired it, the Rostow Memo
excited Diefenbaker greatly. And then he did the unthinkable: rather than
ordering the document be returned to Kennedy immediately, as was required by
diplomatic etiquette, he held on to it as political ammunition. At this point,
the Americans were unaware they had left it behind.
U.S. frustrations mounted throughout
the rest of 1961 and into 1962, with no sign of Dief moving on the nuclear
question. A further irritant for the Americans was Canada’s continued wheat
sales to China, Russia and Cuba. The battle against Communism, Washington felt,
could do without Canadian grain flowing directly to America’s enemies.
The flashpoint came on April 29, 1962,
when Kennedy made a show of inviting Canadian Liberal leader and Nobel Peace
Prize laureate Lester B. Pearson to Washington for a dinner honouring all 13
living Nobel winners of the Western Hemisphere.
“I want to welcome you to the White
House,” Kennedy said in his opening remarks. “Mr. Lester Pearson informed me
that a Canadian newspaperman said yesterday that this is the president’s
‘Easter egghead roll on the White House lawn.’ I want to deny that!”
But a Canadian election was just six
weeks away. Pearson and JFK were not only acquaintances from past travels; they
liked each other. And, in a move not uncommon in diplomatic circles, Kennedy
took time out that night to sit down with Pearson for 20 minutes, one-on-one.
It was too much for Diefenbaker, who
saw a conspiracy in the making, crafted to unseat him. He went ballistic.
Six days later, an extraordinary
diplomatic memo was delivered by hand to Washington from Livingstone Merchant,
Kennedy’s ambassador to Ottawa. He had just spent two shocking hours with the
Canadian prime minister as he “launched into what can only be described as a
tirade.”
Diefenbaker had told Kennedy’s man in
Ottawa that he could only interpret JFK’s private meeting with Pearson as “an
intervention by the president in the Canadian election” — one that the Liberals
would now exploit, trumpeting their ties to Kennedy and making Canada-U.S.
relations the central issue of their campaign.
Now that the die was cast, Dief had
explained, “he had no choice except to meet head-on the expected Liberal line”
— by publicly disclosing the left-behind memo on White House letterhead he had
hoarded in his safe since the previous May.
“The Prime Minister said that this
authoritative statement of the intention of the United States to ‘push’ Canada
would be used by him to demonstrate that he, himself, was the only leader
capable of preventing United States domination of Canada,” Merchant’s
top-secret dispatch said.
“(Diefenbaker) was excited to a degree
disturbing in a leader of an important country, and closer to hysteria than I
have seen him, except on one other possible occasion.”
Struggling to keep his emotions in
check, according to Merchant, Dief outlined an anti-American campaign “more
bitter” than the Canadian election of 1911, when U.S. House Speaker Champ
Clark’s offhand remark that the U.S. would inevitably annex Canada awakened
ferocious anti-Americanism, sparking the campaign slogan “No truck or trade
with the Yankees.” Dief had concluded the meeting saying the Pearson incident
would “blow our relations sky-high.”
The memo hit Washington like a
thunderclap. Merchant recommended Kennedy meet with Diefenbaker before the
election, not to favour him but to restore Canada’s sense of U.S. neutrality.
But JFK was done with Diefenbaker and
wanted never to see him again.
White House telephone transcripts at
the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library show one of Kennedy’s closest
confidants, national security adviser McGeorge “Mac” Bundy, discussing the “very
bad business” of Dief’s threat to “publish (Kennedy’s) personal mail.
“Diefenbaker’s relationship with the
president is not likely to ever be the same,” Bundy said.
The White House was aware that
Merchant, seasoned by two stints as ambassador to Canada, had cultivated an
uncommon intimacy with Diefenbaker. So Merchant was instructed to go back to
the prime minister to say the “threat to publish private communication” of
President Kennedy was so serious that “as a friend of the PM’s and of Canada
you have therefore held off reporting to Washington.”
Merchant, who extended his final
posting to Canada to ride out the crisis, performed an artful act of diplomatic
snake charming, describing in his next cable to Washington how he gently read
the riot act Diefenbaker, friend-to-friend.
“PM did not interrupt as I went on to
say that I had not reported his threat to use existence or contents memo
because consequences would be catastrophic. PM interjected, ‘They would so be
in Canada.’
“I said I was not talking of Canada but
of the reaction in the U.S. I said if he did this the result in the U.S. would
be of incalculable harm with public opinion, in the government and in his
personal relations and that consequently I had delayed my departure to urge
once more that he abandon any such thought,” wrote Merchant.
Dief calmed immediately, saying he “was
now decided to discard any such thought.”
“Notwithstanding fact PM nervous and in my judgment
on verge of exhaustion, I believe storm has passed and that chances are now minimal
that he will embark on all-out anti-American line using reference memo in
process,” Merchant concluded. “At end conversation we both lowered our voices
and with complimentary close he bade me warm good night.”
-----------
CANADA - VIETNAM WAR- DRAFT DODGERS WELCOME- 40,000 CANADIANS WALKED THE TALK WITH THEIR BROTHERS AND SISTERS 2 VIETNAM- and the incredible horror treatment made many Vietnam troops coming home... saying - their ugly treatment by their own in their home country... was almost worst than the war... Jane Fonda/John Kerry - The Westboro Baptist Church of Vietnam 4 these honourable troops... we will never 4get...
Vietnam War
The Vietnam War was a Cold War-era conflict between communist Northern Vietnamese forces and United States-backed Southern Vietnamese forces. Canada officially played the role of neutral peacemaker, but secretly backed the American effort in Vietnam.
Vietnam War
The Vietnam War was a Cold War-era conflict between communist Northern Vietnamese forces and United States-backed Southern Vietnamese forces. Canada officially played the role of neutral peacemaker, but secretly backed the American effort in Vietnam.
French colonialism vs nationalism
The Vietnam War had its roots in the French colonial conquest of Indochina in the mid-19th century and in the nationalist movements that arose to oppose it. At the end of the Second World War, on 2 September 1945, nationalist leader Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam an independent country. He named the northern city of Hanoi its capital. The French attempt to re-conquer Vietnam met with defeat in the valley of Dien Bien Phu on 2 May 1954.
The July Geneva Agreements provided for a cease-fire and a provisional military demarcation line at the 17th parallel, pending nationwide elections for reunification in July 1956. France withdrew. Western efforts to divide the country permanently by creating a Vietnamese republic in Saigon, coupled with the US refusal to hold the promised elections, led to rebellion, massive US military intervention and the ensuing civil war. While the US and its allies supported the South as a means of preventing the spread of communism in southeast Asia, China and its allies backed the communist North.
US war costs mount
The US tripled its military presence in the country in 1961 and 1962, but failed to defeat the North, which regarded the US as a colonial aggressor akin to France.
The failure of US policy became apparent in February 1968 when 525,000 American soldiers were unable to stop the insurgents' Tet Offensive; it would take two more assaults, the third lasting six weeks, before US and South Vietnamese forces were able to stop the offensive and retake lost territory.
In January 1973 the Paris Peace Accords were signed, upholding the unity and territorial integrity of Vietnam. It also provided for the orderly withdrawal of US troops, the release of 200,000 civilian detainees and Prisoners of War, and the organization of free and democratic elections in South Vietnam. The refusal to implement these last conditions provoked an armed insurrection and on 30 April 1975 the capital of the South, Saigon, fell to Northern forces. The city was renamed Ho Chi Minh City. The US withdrew from Vietnam.
The cost of the war was staggering: 1.7 million dead, three million wounded and maimed, and 13 million refugees. The US dropped seven million tons of bombs, 75 million litres of jungle-defoliating herbicide and lost 10,000 helicopters and warplanes. Some 56,000 US soldiers were killed and another 303,000 were wounded. The direct cost of the war was $140 billion; indirect costs are estimated at $900 billion.
Canada's partisan role
During the years 1954 to 1975 Canada served on two international truce commissions and provided medical supplies and technical assistance. Canadian diplomats were involved in negotiations between Washington and Hanoi and successive Canadian governments, both Liberal and Conservative, maintained that Ottawa was an impartial and objective peacekeeper, an innocent and helpful bystander negotiating for peace and administering aid to victims of the war. However, Cabinet papers, confidential stenographic minutes of the truce commissions as well as top-secret American government cables revealed Canada to be a willing ally of US counterinsurgency efforts.
Canada's record on the truce commissions was a partisan one, rooted in the presumption of Hanoi's guilt and Saigon's innocence and designed to discredit North Vietnam while exonerating South Vietnam from its obligations to uphold the Geneva Agreements. Canadian delegates engaged in espionage for the US Central Intelligence Agency and aided the covert introduction of American arms and personnel into South Vietnam while they spotted for US bombers over North Vietnam.
Canadian commissioners shielded the US chemical defoliant program from public inquiry, parlayed American threats of expanded war to Hanoi, and penned the reports legitimating both the rupture of the Geneva Agreements and the US air war over North Vietnam. Ottawa would later assert that these actions were necessary to counterbalance the activities of the Eastern bloc countries with whom they shared membership on the truce commissions.
Canada Helps the South
Canadian aid during the war went only to South Vietnam. It totalled $29 million from 1950-75 and was routed through the COLOMBO PLAN and the Canadian Red Cross. Although humanitarian in appearance, Canadian assistance was an integral part of the Free World Assistance Program, co-ordinated by the US Department of State with the International Security Office of the Pentagon as the point of contact.
In the field, Canadian capital assistance was regulated by the US-RVN Health Defense Agreement and administered by the International Military Assistance Force Office in Saigon. On a number of occasions, Ottawa stopped the shipment of medical relief to civilian victims of the war in North Vietnam
War Boom in Canada
At home, 500 Canadian firms sold $2.5 billion of war materiel (ammunition, napalm, aircraft engines and explosives) to the Pentagon. Another $10 billion in food, beverages, berets and boots for the troops was exported to the US, as well as nickel, copper, lead, brass and oil for shell casings, wiring, plate armour and military transport.
In Canada unemployment fell to record low levels of 3.9 per cent, the gross domestic product rose by 6 per cent yearly, and capital expenditure expanded exponentially in manufacturing and mining as US firms invested more than $3 billion in Canada to offset shrinking domestic capacity as a result of the war.
Agent Orange and Draft Dodgers
The herbicide "Agent Orange" was tested for use in Vietnam at Canadian Forces Base Gagetown, New Brunswick. US bomber pilots also practised carpet-bombing runs over Suffield, Alberta, and North Battleford, Saskatchewan, before their tours of duty in southeast Asia. And the results of the only successful peace initiative to Hanoi—by Canadian diplomat Chester RONNING—would be kept from public knowledge in order not to harm official US-Canadian relations.
Ten thousand young Canadian men fought in the US armed forces in the war. At the same time 20,000 American draft-dodgers and 12,000 army deserters found refuge in Canada from military service in Vietnam.
Refugees
The end of the war sparked a massive movement of refugees out of South Vietnam. Canada admitted more than 5,600 Vietnamese in 1975 and 1976, as well as more than 50,000 additional refugees from among a second wave of migrants known as the "boat people"—who fled the country via dangerous sea voyages to Hong Kong and elsewhere starting in 1979.
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GOD BLESS OUR MEN AND WOMEN OF VIETNAM.... HE WAS THE ONLY ONE BESIDES US AT HOME WHO ACTUALLY GAVE A SHEEEEET...
http://www.8th-4th-arty.com/
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Jane Fonda/John Kerry- the Westboro Baptist Church of Vietnam- God called the devil and told him... I am keeping my troops... u can have the trash
Canada's Vietnam Vet Memoral
House bought across Westboro Baptist Church- bikers and vets and volunteers... decided on Rainbow colours.... so much heartbreak- freedom of speech does NOT include hatred of troops coming home the wrong way 2 be buried and surrounded by this evil... freedom of speech does NOT include pi**ing and burning ur nation's flag... it shames ur family...
John Kerry sitting behind Jane Fonda- u would not believe the cruelty and evil done 2 Vietnam Vets... u would not believe
Honorons Nos Soldats Canadians - Honour our Canadian Soldiers
Supporting Our Canadian Troops !!!
Lyrics:
It's time to strap out boots on,
This is a perfect day to die,
Wipe the blood out of our eyes.
In this life there's no surrender,
There's nothing left for us to do,
Find the strength to see this through.
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
Whoa, Who-oh-oh-oa, Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa
WE ARE SOLDIERS!
I stand here right beside you,
Tonight we're fighting for ours lives,
Let me hear your battlecry. Your Battlecry!
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
We are the ones who will not go unspoken(unspoken)
No we will not sleep, we are not sheep
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers! Yeah!
We stand shoulder to shoulder
We stand shoulder to shoulder
We stand shoulder to shoulder
You can't erase us, you'll just have to face us!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
You can't erase us, you'll just have to face us!
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
We are the ones who will not go unspoken(unspoken)
No we will not sleep, we are not sheep
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers! Yeah!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
Lyrics:
It's time to strap out boots on,
This is a perfect day to die,
Wipe the blood out of our eyes.
In this life there's no surrender,
There's nothing left for us to do,
Find the strength to see this through.
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
Whoa, Who-oh-oh-oa, Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa
WE ARE SOLDIERS!
I stand here right beside you,
Tonight we're fighting for ours lives,
Let me hear your battlecry. Your Battlecry!
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
We are the ones who will not go unspoken(unspoken)
No we will not sleep, we are not sheep
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers! Yeah!
We stand shoulder to shoulder
We stand shoulder to shoulder
We stand shoulder to shoulder
You can't erase us, you'll just have to face us!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
We stand shoulder to shoulder!
You can't erase us, you'll just have to face us!
We are the ones who will never be broken
With our final breath, we'll fight to the death
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers!
We are the ones who will not go unspoken(unspoken)
No we will not sleep, we are not sheep
We Are Soldiers! We Are Soldiers! Yeah!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
Whoa! Who-oh-oh-oa! Who-oh-ohhhhhhh-oh-oa!
We Are Soldiers!
---
THE MAPLE LEAF 4EVER- CANADIAN ARMED FORCES
-----------------------
WE ARE CANADIAN
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mFYmL_ZYBPQ
In honor of our country and to the dedicated men/women ( past-present ) of our Canadian Armed Forces
--------------
WE ARE CANADIAN
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mFYmL_ZYBPQ
In honor of our country and to the dedicated men/women ( past-present ) of our Canadian Armed Forces
--------------
Today's Canadian Forces
----------------
And SELMA - A GLORIOUS MOVIE ABOUT THE BRILLIANT MAN WHO CHANGED HISTORY .... this incredible song of love and passion needs 2 soar around the world...
John Legend- Glory[SELMA]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HUZOKvYcx_o
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