Saturday, March 21, 2015

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: The Great Depression Canada of 30s and horrific suffering by America's greed- same in 2008- and now starting again history/ WW1 and $$$funding caused Canada's Income Tax Creation/WWII- caused Unemployment Insurance/What good is democracy Canada if u don't-won't go VOTE/WW1 and WWI- Germany and Japan's horrific cruelties- HOW ARE THEY DIFFERENT FROM ISIS?/Let's fix our world and have peace and humanity matter/GOD BLESS OUR TROOPS- our only line between freedom and evil

Stock Market Crash-1929
"Anyone who thinks there's safety in numbers hasn't looked at the stock market pages." - Irene Peter





William H. Hall- Crimean War



Indian soldiers in the uniform of the Canadian Expeditionary Force

















This was written by the sister of one of my very best friends.... 
CAMADOAM William Hall, V.C.: The Naval Veteran (2:44 min.) 

William Hall, V.C. was born in Summerville and was the first member of the Navy from British North America to receive the Victoria Cross, the most prestigious of military medals. William received the medal for a heroic rescue that he participated in during the Indian Uprising of 1758. The rescue mission captured the imagination of the Victorian public: the mission was known to every school boy in the Empire. While initially buried without military honours in an unmarked grave, William was later buried beneath a stone cairn on the lawn of the Baptist Church in Hantsport, Hants Co..
CANADA'S BEST KEPT SECRET-   

The Black Battalion- Canada
Juanita Pleasant Wilbur of Kentville, Nova Scotia, Canada
They came two hundred to answer the call
But only to fall
Their way was not paved
For a country they wanted to save
The battle cry went out
But these men were ousted
Their colour was wrong
Their courage strong
From battle line to battle line they went
But no one wanted them
A checker-board army they were called
Their courage strong they still persisted
For the right to fight for a country they loved
For the right to live as all men
Free and strong
The march was on, their will was strong
From place to place they went
Rejected by all, their cry was heard
Let us do our best
Don't let us be less
Give us a chance to build a life for our children
Let us make our mark
Give us a chance to stand proud and free
Rejected and tired of waiting
They finally saw the light
You're on a flight
Over-seas you're bound
At last you found your place 
A checker-board army has been born
A remembrance to my Grand-dad, Private Wallace James Pleasant and all the black men who fought and became know as Canada's best kept secret.
We love you all so much.... to my Fannie (Clements) Brothers and to my Debbie Pleasant-Joseph ..... love you all so much....

WWI & WWI Canadian Posters DISC


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F**KING BANKS/IMF/Corporate-Political/UN greed caused FINANCIAL CRASH- and 2day.... we are still there and close 2 a billion are unemployed and 4.3 billion eat dirt 4 breakfast- WTF???-15 million Canadians/101 million Americans/8million Brits/80Million Muslims/32million europeans/14 million Africans etc.- CHEATERS/CHEATERS- August 27 updates




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GETCHA CANADA ON FOLKS- check out these old photos- 1858 - 1935 Canada
INCREDIBLE CANADIAN HISTORY- Old Photographs of Canada from 1858-1935 The photographs from the Notman Photographics Archives

https://nova0000scotia.wordpress.com/2015/02/14/incredible-canadian-history-old-photographs-of-canada-from-1858-1935-the-photographs-from-the-notman-photographics-archives/



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CANADA

 

  Bank of Nova Scotia Note

 

USA CAUSED THE GREAT DEPRESSION WITH THEIR GREED 1930s... and now creating another.... and the world suffered and will.... Canada's story - and that's why Unemployment Insurance Canada was formed/WHAT GOOD IS DEMOCRACY CANADA-  when no-one bothers 2 go out and vote Canada?

 

 

 

THE DEPRESSION-  cause by USA Greed....

 

World trade

The depression originated in the United States, and can be dated to the the Stock Market crash of October 1929. Given the close economic links with the much larger neighbor, the collapse quickly affected Canada. The Prairies and Maritimes were hardest hit, along with mining areas and heavy industry areas of Ontario and Quebec. Massive lay-offs occurred; some smaller companies went into bankruptcy and closed operations.
Canada did have some advantages over other countries, especially its stable bank system that had no failures during the entire depression, compared to over 9,000 small banks that collapsed in the United States.
Canada was hurt so badly because of its reliance on wheat and other commodities, whose prices fell by over 50% and because of the importance of international trade. In the 1920s about 25% of the Canadian Gross National Product was derived from exports. The first reaction of the U.S. was to raise tariff via the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, passed into law June 17, 1930. This hurt the Canadian economy more than most other countries in the world, and Canada retaliated by raising its own rates on American imports and by switching business to the Empire.
The British introduction of trade protectionism and a system of Commonwealth preference during the winter of 1931-32 helped Canada and Australia avoid external default on their public debt. The onset of the depression created critical balance of payment deficits, and it was largely the extension of imperial protection by Britain that gave Australia and Canada the opportunity to increase their exports to the British market. By 1938 Britain was importing more than twice the 1929 volume of products from Australia, while the value of products shipped from Canada more than doubled, despite the dramatic drop in prices. Thus, the British market played a vital role in helping Canada and Australia stabilize their balance of payments in the immensely difficult economic conditions of the 1930s.[1]
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USA CAUSED THE GREAT DEPRESSION WITH THEIR GREED.... and the world suffered.... Canada's story - and that's why Unemployment Insurance Canada was formed.


PHOTOS



 the Canadian Railways Terminal, Halifax, Nova Scotia, circa 1920-1930

Relief Demonstration in Vancouver 1937


 Stopped in their Tracks' The 1935 Regina Riot

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DEPRESSION IN CANADA- 1920-45

Great Depression of Canada


This homepage will inform you of the effects that the Great Depression had on the country of Canada and its people. It covers many areas of the Depression and the whole duration of time that it lasted.


Throughout the years of 1929 to 1939, there was a world wide Depression and Canada was one of the worst affected countries. Financially and economically the country began to collapse regardless of what was done by political power.
The Causes Of The Depression
Effects
How Provinces Were Effected
How Industry and Individuals Were Affected
Letters to Bennett
How The Population Was Effected
Groups and Expansions
Bank Of Canada and Canadian Radio Broadcasting Corporation
Relief Camps
Trekkers
Political Role
Richard Bennett and Mackenzie King



THE CAUSE OF THE DEPRESSION

Many Canadians of the thirties felt that the depression wasn't brought about by the Wall Street Stock Market Crash, but by the enormous 1928 wheat crop crash. Due to this, many people were out of work and money and food began to run low. It was said by the Federal Department of Labor that a family needed between $1200 and $1500 a year to maintain the "minimum standard of decency." At that time, 60% of men and 82% of women made less than $1000 a year. The gross national product fell from $6.1 billion in 1929 to $3.5 billion in 1933 and the value of industrial production halved.1 Unfortunately for the well being of Canada's economy prices continued to plummet and they even fell faster then wages until 1933, at that time, there was another wage cut, this time of 15%. For all the unemployed there was a relief program for families and all unemployed single men were sent packing by relief officers by boxcar to British Columbia. There were also work camps established for single men by Bennett's Government. The Great Depression, also known as The Dirty Thirties, wasn't like an ordinary depression where savings vanished and city families went to the farm until it blew over. This depression effected everyone in some way and there was basically no way to escape it. J.S. Woodsworth told Parliament "If they went out today, they would meet another army of unemployed coming back from the country to the city."2 As the depression carried on 1 in 5 Canadians became dependent on government relief. 30% of the Labour Force was unemployed, where as the unemployment rate had previously never dropped below 12%.




EFFECTS


How The Provinces Were Effected

It was estimated back in the thirties that 33% of Canada's Gross National Income came from exports; so the country was also greatly affected by the collapse of world trade. The four western prairie provinces were almost completely dependent on the export of wheat. The little money that they brought in for their wheat did not cover production costs, let alone farm taxes, depreciation and interest on the debts that farmers were building up. The net farm income fell from $417 million in 1929 to $109 million in 1933. Between 1933 and 1937 to make matters even worse, Saskatchewan suffered a drought. The money brought in for the wheat was at a record low and the provincial income dropped by 90% in two years, forcing 66% of the province into relief. Where the previous yield per acre was 27 bushels, it had dropped to as little as three in 1937. The price of grain also dropped from $1.60 a bushel to $0.28 a bushel in 1932. Although Ontario and Quebec were experiencing serious unemployment, as mining and forest incomes from exports had dropped though they were less effected due to more diversified industrial economics, which, luckily for them, protected they domestic market. For BC, the fish, lumber and fruit markets were considerably lower but they weren't as hard hit as the majority of the provinces. As for the Maritimes, they had entered provincial economic decline in the 1920's so therefore they had less of a margin to fall by. There was also a larger variety of jobs so the whole income wasn't wiped out due to the fall of one market. In 1934 Newfoundland had to surrender its government responsibilities and had to ask for financial aid from Britain.

How The Individual and Industry Was Effected

For an unemployed individual person during the depression there were no jobs and for those that had a job there was a high chance that it could be lost. Further there was little income from the majority of jobs. Tens of thousands of people were dependent on government relief, charity and food handouts for daily survival. Parents found it difficult to keep young children in school because they were needed on the farms to bring in as much goods as possible. University students were also dropping out all over the country because tuition was too much to pay. The home workers of the houses had to find part time jobs to "make ends meet." The same ill-fortune was felt by industry business. The values of stocks were dropping rapidly and as the demand for goods and services dropped business firms ceased to exist. Even the CPR, considered on the world's most reliable income earners, didn't make enough money in 1932.





LETTERS TO BENNETT

Dear Sir: I am writing you as a last resource to see if I cannot, through your aid, obtain a position and at last, after a period of more than two years, support myself. The fact is this day I am faced with starvation and I see no possibility for counteracting it or even averting it temporarily.
I have applied for every position that I heard about but there were always so many girls who applied that it was impossible to get work... First I ate three very light meals a day; then two and then one. During the past two weeks I have eaten only toast and a drunk a cup of tea every other day.
Day after day I pass a delicatessen and the food in the window look oh, so good! So tempting and I'm so hungry!...The stamp which carries this letter to you will represent the last three cents I have in the world, yet before I will stoop to dishonour my family, my character or my God, I will drown myself in.

Hamilton, Ontario



Dear Mr.Bennett: I suppose I am silly to write this letter but I haven't anyone else to write to...we are just one of many on relief and trying to keep our place without being starved out...trying to get a start without and money and 5 children, all small... I am sure we can make a go of this place...if we could just manage until next fall. Just had 70 Acres in last year and the dry spell just caught it right along with the grasshoppers.
Please help me by standing me some money and will send you my engagement ring and wedding ring as security...My two rings cost over $100 over 15 years ago but what good are they when the flour is nearly all done and there isn't much to eat in the house...

Burton, Alberta



Dear Sir: I wish to give my opinion of relief. First it is a shame for a strong man to ask for relief in this country... The best thing that can happen to a young man is to toss him overboard and compel him to sink or swim, in all my acquaintance I have never known one to drown who was worth saving...It takes hardship to make real men and women so cut out of relief...There are some people in this country who are in hard circumstances, but I can safely say there is no one having hardship that we pioneers had 28 or 30 years ago.

Blaine Lake, Saskatchewan

The previous letters are taken from Towards Tomorrow; Canada in a Changing World; History



How The Population Was Effected

The population growth in the 30's had reached the lowest since 1880 due to the plummeting numbers of immigrants and births. The number of Immigrants into Canada dropped from 169 000 in 1929 to fewer than 12 000 in 1935 and for the rest of the thirties it did not rise about 17 000. Almost 30 000 immigrants were forced to go back to their home country due to illness and unemployment. The number of deportations also rose from fewer then 2000 in 1929 to more than 7600 within three years. The death rate also rose due to poor living conditions, starvation, and disease. The birth rate dropped from 13.1 live births per 100 in 1930 to 9.7 in 1937.




GROUPS AND EXPANSIONS INTRODUCED TO CANADA

The depression of the thirties resulted in the expansion of government responsibilities for the economy and welfare of the country and its people. Born in 1932 the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission was created. In 1934, Bennett's government made the Bank of Canada to regulate the Monetary Policy. The Canadian Wheat Board was created in 1935 to market and establish the minimum price for wheat. The depression also sparked a variety of reform movements including, Social Credit, "Work and Wages" Program, Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, Union National and W.D. Herridge. There was also the relief program that was set up for families in need and the monthly rate for a family of five varied from $60 in Calgary to $17 in Halifax. The depression also lead to the outlaw and eventually the banning of the Communist Party of Canada. The Party was outlawed from 1931 to 1936 when a group of nine leaders were arrested for being members of an "unlawful association". They were again banned when war was declared in 1939 although groups of workers', the Unity League, the Relief Camp Workers Union, and the National Unemployed Workers Association made an organization and protested.

Bank Of Canada and Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission

To enlarge the government the political groups created two important businesses that are still around today. They are the Bank of Canada in 1934 which was later nationalized in 1937, and the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission in 1932 later changed to Canadian Broadcasting Corporation also in 1937. The CRBC was crated to establish a publicly owned radio network broadcasting in both French and English. People felt that the need for radio was important because it became the only escape from the hopelessness than many people felt. The depression demonstrated its inability to effectively regulate the nations money system and a new national bank was created to perform this function. The duties were to regulate currency and credit, serve as a private banker's bank and to advise on government financial matters.

Relief Camps

Because a family's relief was cut when a child turned 16, young men left home to reduce the burden on their families. Thousands of unemployed rode freight trains to the west looking for work which didn't exist. The Conservative government of Bennett set up work camps to prevent the growing unrest among this wandering mass of young unemployed workers. The camps were located in remote areas such as northern Ontario and B.C.'s interior. Inmates called these camps "slave camps". They lived on war surplus clothing, bunked in tar-paper shacks, ate army rations and were forced to work six and a half days a week for twenty cents a day. Through 1932, the Relief Camp Workers Union (RCWU)was formed under the direction of Arthur Evans, a skilled carpenter, miner and communist labour organizer. The RCWU grew into a strong, disciplined democratic organization, focusing on the hopes and energy of the unemployed. In the spring of 1935, RCWU went on strike. They filled the streets of Vancouver shouting "Work & wages" and "When Do We Eat?". They demanded real work wages, better food, clothing and shelter, and an end to military discipline. Despite the overwhelming public support of "our boys", the federal government refused to negotiation with strikers. After this, the strikers voted to take their grievances to Parliament Hill in Ottawa.

Trekkers

On June 3rd, 1935, the first group of trekkers climbed into boxcars leaving Vancouver. They were joined by men in Kamloops, Field, Golden, Calgary and Moose Jaw. Women's groups, service clubs, labour councils, churches, unions and caring citizens met the trekkers at each stop with offers of food and shelter. Over 2000 unemployed men massed in Regina by mid-June. In Winnipeg, Thunder bay and Toronto, thousands were just waiting to join. Bennett decided that it was time to put an end to this. He ordered CPR to ban trekkers as "trespassers". Federal Cabinet directed RCMP to bolster troops in Regina to disperse the trekkers. Meanwhile, trekkers met with the government ministers in Regina. It was proposed that a small delegation continue to Ottawa. Eight were voted to go including Arthur Evans. On June 22nd, the delegation met with Bennett. Evans presented the strikers' demands. Bennett accused the purpose of the strikers to be a revolution to destroy law and order. The meeting disintegrated into heated exchanges with Bennett calling Evans a thief and Evans calling Bennett a liar. Negotiations ended.



HOW POLITICS PLAYED A ROLE

With so much economic pressure and upset the country turned to politics to hopefully clean up the situation that they were facing every day. The country removed their past political party run by Mackenzie King and brought in the conservative Lawyer, Richard Bennett, hoping that he could make a difference.

Richard Bennett and Mackenzie King in Power

Richard Bennett was brought into power when his opposition, Mackenzie King, reported that he would not give "a five-cent piece" to "any Tory Government". This remark was exactly what Bennett and his party needed to come into power and that is what happened in 1930. In the election, the conservatives got 137 seats in parliament and the Liberal representation was 88 seats. It was Bennett's confidence and energy that inspired Canadians to vote for Bennett. Richard Bennett
Bennett was an "abrupt, headstrong, millionaire lawyer from Calgary"3 who dramatized King's slip as an example of tired cynicism and he accused the liberals of being unwilling and incapable of dealing with the pressures of the Depression. To get the people on his side, Bennett promised work, to promote the strengthening of Canada's industry behind tariff walls, and to "blast (Canada's) way into the markets of the world."
Bennett's first plan was to raise tariffs and in theory this would protect manufactures. He also believed this action would convince other nations to lower tariffs on Canadian goods. Unfortunately the side effects of his plan produced more damage then good. It did nothing to increase exports and in some cases increased export's costs, thereby reducing business. While the high tariffs might protect the domestic market the market was no sufficiently large enough to consume enough manufactured goods and therefore gave no longer significant life to the dyeing economy of Canada. In 1933 he was called the Nadir of Depression and became the but of endless jokes. Cars that were having to be towed by horses because gasoline could not be afforded were called "Bennett Buggies".
Bennett's other plan to hopefully get the economy on an up rise again was to start the New Policy in 1935 which was taken off the idea of the American New Deal. It was to insure unemployment insurance, a reduced workweek, and minimum wage, industrial codes and a permanent economic planning.
This policy didn't work and could not save the Conservatives or Bennett's place in politics. Many of the voters turned to three small parties: the Reconstruction party, which was a Conservative offshoot; the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, which was a socialist group; and the Social Credit Party, which was a right-winged radical movement in Alberta. Almost by default King and the Liberals won the election of 1935 and were in power again. Bennett continued ineffectively as an opposition leader until 1938 when he abandoned Canada to England.
Mackenzie King
King dropped the new deal and declared it unconstitutional in 1937 and instead made the new Reciprocity Treaty with the United States. He converted the radio commission to The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation and fully nationalized the Bank of Canada. Finally he fended off provincial demands for more money to support relief programs for the unemployed.

FOOT NOTES

1. Morton Desmond;A Short History Of Canada; Page 166 2. Morton, Desmond; A Short History Of Canada; Page 198
3. Lower, Arthur, J; Canada An Outline Of History; Page 163




BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Canadian Encyclopedia Plus; Bennett; Canada; McLelland and Stewart; 1995 2. Canadian Encyclopedia Plus; Great Depression; Canada; McLelland and Stewart; 1995
3. J.Arthur Lower; Canada An Outline of History; Canada; Ryerson Press, 1996
4. Microsoft Encarta; The Depression; Canada; 1994
5. Morton, Desmond; A Short History of Canada; Toronto, Ontario; McLelland and Stewart Inc.; 1996
6. Morton, Desmond; Canada In A Changing World-History; Canada; Harcourt Brace & Company Canada, Ltd.; 1988
7. website: http://www.workingtv.com/oto/otohome.html





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WW1- 

 THE GREAT WAR- World War I-   and the ruination of banking globally...inciting... The Great Depression-  WAR BONDS
Thus, the Great Depression was born in the extraordinary but unsustainable boom of 1914-1929 that was, in turn, an artificial and bloated project of the warfare and central banking branches of the state, not the free market. Nominal GDP, which had been deformed and bloated to $103 billion by 1929, contracted massively, dropping to only $56 billion by 1933.
Crucially, the overwhelming portion of this unprecedented contraction was in exports, inventories, fixed plant and durable goods—the very sectors that had been artificially hyped. These components declined by $33 billion during the four year contraction and accounted for fully 70 percent of the entire drop in nominal GDP.
So there was no mysterious loss of that Keynesian economic ether called “aggregate demand”, but only the inevitable shrinkage of a state induced boom. It was not the depression bottom of 1933 that was too low, but the wartime debt and speculation bloated peak in 1929 that had been unsustainably too high.
Sarajevo Is The Fulcrum Of Modern History: The Great War And Its Terrible Aftermath
/users/tyler-durdenSubmitted by Tyler Durden on 06/28/2014
Submitted by David Stockman of Contra Corner blog,
One hundred years ago today the world was shook loose of its moorings. Every school boy knows that the assassination of the archduke of Austria at Sarajevo was the trigger that incited the bloody, destructive conflagration of the world’s nations known as the Great War. But this senseless eruption of unprecedented industrial state violence did not end with the armistice four years later.
In fact, 1914 is the fulcrum of modern history. It is the year the Fed opened-up for business just as the carnage in northern France closed-down the prior magnificent half-century era of liberal internationalism and honest gold-backed money. So it was the Great War’s terrible aftermath - a century of drift toward statism, militarism and fiat money - that was actually triggered by the events at Sarajevo.
Unfortunately, modern historiography wants to keep the Great War sequestered in a four-year span of archival curiosities about battles, mustard gas and monuments to the fallen. But the opposite historiography is more nearly the truth. The assassins at Sarajevo triggered the very warp and woof of the hundred years which followed.
The Great War was self-evidently an epochal calamity, especially for the 20 million combatants and civilians who perished for no reason that is discernible in any fair reading of history, or even unfair one. Yet the far greater calamity is that Europe’s senseless fratricide of 1914-1918 gave birth to all the great evils of the 20th century— the Great Depression, totalitarian genocides, Keynesian economics, permanent warfare states, rampaging central banks and the exceptionalist-rooted follies of America’s global imperialism.
Indeed, in Old Testament fashion, one begat the next and the next and still the next. This chain of calamity originated in the Great War’s destruction of sound money, that is, in the post-war demise of the pound sterling which previously had not experienced a peacetime change in its gold content for nearly two hundred years.
Not unreasonably, the world’s financial system had become anchored on the London money markets where the other currencies traded at fixed exchange rates to the rock steady pound sterling—which, in turn, meant that prices and wages throughout Europe were expressed in common money and tended toward transparency and equilibrium.
This liberal international economic order—that is, honest money, relatively free trade, rising international capital flows and rapidly growing global economic integration—-resulted in a 40-year span between 1870 and 1914 of rising living standards, stable prices, massive capital investment and prolific technological progress that was never equaled—either before or since.
During intervals of war, of course, 19th century governments had usually suspended gold convertibility and open trade in the heat of combat. But when the cannons fell silent, they had also endured the trauma of post-war depression until wartime debts had been liquidated and inflationary currency expedients had been wrung out of the circulation. This was called “resumption” and restoring convertibility at the peacetime parities was the great challenge of post-war normalizations.
The Great War, however, involved a scale of total industrial mobilization and financial mayhem that was unlike any that had gone before. In the case of Great Britain, for example, its national debt increased 14-fold, its price level doubled, its capital stock was depleted, most off-shore investments were liquidated and universal wartime conscription left it with a massive overhang of human and financial liabilities.
Yet England was the least devastated. In France, the price level inflated by 300 percent, its extensive Russian investments were confiscated by the Bolsheviks and its debts in New York and London catapulted to more than 100 percent of GDP.
Among the defeated powers, currencies emerged nearly worthless with the German mark at five cents on the pre-war dollar, while wartime debts—especially after the Carthaginian peace of Versailles—–soared to crushing, unrepayable heights.
In short, the bow-wave of debt, currency inflation and financial disorder from the Great War was so immense and unprecedented that the classical project of post-war liquidation and “resumption” of convertibility was destined to fail. In fact, the 1920s were a grinding, sometimes inspired but eventually failed struggle to resume the international gold standard, fixed parities, open world trade and unrestricted international capital flows.
Only in the final demise of these efforts after 1929 did the Great Depression, which had been lurking all along in the post-war shadows, come bounding onto the stage of history.


America’s Needless Intervention In The Great War And The Ensuing Chain of 20th Century Calamities
The Great Depression’s tardy, thoroughly misunderstood and deeply traumatic arrival happened compliments of the United States. In the first place, America’s wholly unwarranted intervention in April 1917 prolonged the slaughter, doubled the financial due bill and generated a cockamamie peace, giving rise to totalitarianism among the defeated powers and Keynesianism among the victors. Choose your poison.
Even conventional historians like Niall Ferguson admit as much. Had Woodrow Wilson not misled America on a messianic crusade, the Great War would have ended in mutual exhaustion in 1917 and both sides would have gone home battered and bankrupt but no danger to the rest of mankind. Indeed, absent Wilson’s crusade there would have been no allied victory, no punitive peace, and no war reparations; nor would there have been a Leninist coup in Petrograd or Stalin’s barbaric regime.
Likewise, Churchill’s starvation blockade would not have devastated post-Armistice Germany, nor would there have been the humiliating signing of the war guilt clause by German officials at Versailles. And the subsequent financial chaos of 1919-1923 would not have happened either—-meaning no “stab in the back” myth, no Hitler, no Nazi dystopia, no Munich, no Sudetenland and Danzig corridor crises, no British war to save Poland, no final solution and holocaust, no global war against Germany and Japan and no incineration of 200,000 civilians at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Nor would there have followed a Cold War with the Soviets or CIA sponsored coups and assassinations in Iran, Guatemala, Indonesia, Brazil, Chile and the Congo, to name a few. Surely there would have been no CIA plot to assassinate Castro, or Russian missiles in Cuba or a crisis that took the world to the brink of annihilation. There would have been no Dulles brothers, no domino theory and no Vietnam slaughter, either.
Nor would we have launched Charlie Wilson’s War to arouse the mujahedeen and train the future al Qaeda. Likewise, there would have been no shah and his Savak terror, no Khomeini-led Islamic counter-revolution, no US aid to enable Saddam’s gas attacks on Iranian boy soldiers in the 1980s.
Nor would there have been an American invasion of Arabia in 1991 to stop our erstwhile ally Hussein from looting the equally contemptible Emir of Kuwait’s ill-gotten oil plunder—or, alas, the horrific 9/11 blowback a decade later.
Most surely, the axis-of-evil—-that is, the Washington-based Cheney-Rumsfeld-neocon axis—- would not have arisen, nor would it have foisted a $1 trillion Warfare State budget on 21st century America.
The 1914-1929 Boom Was An Artifact of War And Central Banking
A second crucial point is that the Great War enabled the already rising American economy to boom and bloat in an entirely artificial and unsustainable manner for the better part of 15 years. The exigencies of war finance also transformed the nascent Federal Reserve into an incipient central banking monster in a manner wholly opposite to the intentions of its great legislative architect—the incomparable Carter Glass of Virginia.
During the Great War America became the granary and arsenal to the European Allies—-triggering an eruption of domestic investment and production that transformed the nation into a massive global creditor and powerhouse exporter virtually overnight.
American farm exports quadrupled, farm income surged from $3 billion to $9 billion, land prices soared, country banks proliferated like locusts and the same was true of industry. Steel production, for example, rose from 30 million tons annually to nearly 50 million tons during the war.
Altogether, in six short years $40 billion of money GDP became $92 billion in 1920—a sizzling 15 percent annual rate of gain.
Needless to say, these fantastic figures reflected an inflationary, war-swollen economy—-a phenomena that prudent finance men of the age knew was wholly artificial and destined for a thumping post-war depression. This was especially so because America had loaned the Allies massive amounts of money to purchase grain, pork, wool, steel, munitions and ships. This transfer amounted to nearly 15 percent of GDP or $2 trillion equivalent in today’s economy, but it also amounted to a form of vendor finance that was destined to vanish at war’s end.
Carter Glass’ Bankers’ Bank: The Antithesis Of Monetary Central Planning
As it happened, the nation did experience a brief but deep recession in 1920, but this did not represent a thorough-going end-of-war “de-tox” of the historical variety. The reason is that America’s newly erected Warfare State had hijacked Carter Glass “banker’s bank” to finance Wilson’s crusade.
Here’s the crucial background: When Congress acted on Christmas Eve 1913, just six months before Archduke Ferdinand’s assassination, it had provided no legal authority whatsoever for the Fed to buy government bonds or undertake so-called “open market operations” to finance the public debt. In part this was due to the fact that there were precious few Federal bonds to buy. The public debt then stood at just $1.5 billion, which is the same figure that had pertained 51 years earlier at the battle of Gettysburg, and amounted to just 4 percent of GDP or $11 per capita.
Thus, in an age of balanced budgets and bipartisan fiscal rectitude, the Fed’s legislative architects had not even considered the possibility of central bank monetization of the public debt, and, in any event, had a totally different mission in mind.
The new Fed system was to operate decentralized “reserve banks” in 12 regions—most of them far from Wall Street in places like San Francisco, Dallas, Kansas City and Cleveland. Their job was to provide a passive “rediscount window” where national banks within each region could bring sound, self-liquidating commercial notes and receivables to post as collateral in return for cash to meet depositor withdrawals or to maintain an approximate 15 percent cash reserve.
Accordingly, the assets of the 12 reserve banks were to consist entirely of short-term commercial paper arising out of the ebb and flow of commerce and trade on the free market, not the debt emissions of Washington. In this context, the humble task of the reserve banks was to don green eyeshades and examine the commercial collateral brought by member banks, not to grandly manage the macro economy through targets for interest rates, money growth or credit expansion—to say nothing of targeting jobs, GDP, housing starts or the Russell 2000, as per today’s fashion.
Even the rediscount rate charged to member banks for cash loans was to float at a penalty spread above money market rates set by supply and demand for funds on the free market.
The big point here is that Carter Glass’ “banker’s bank” was an instrument of the market, not an agency of state policy. The so-called economic aggregates of the later Keynesian models—-GDP, employment, consumption and investment—were to remain an unmanaged outcome on the free market, reflecting the interaction of millions of producers, consumers, savers, investors, entrepreneurs and even speculators.
In short, the Fed as “banker’s bank” had no dog in the GDP hunt. Its narrow banking system liquidity mission would not vary whether the aggregates were growing at 3 percent or contracting at 3 percent.
What would vary dramatically, however, was the free market interest rate in response to shifts in the demand for loans or supply of savings. In general this meant that investment booms and speculative bubbles were self-limiting: When the demand for credit sharply out-ran the community’s savings pool, interest rates would soar—thereby rationing demand and inducing higher cash savings out of current income.
This market clearing function of money market interest rates was especially crucial with respect to leveraged financial speculation—such as margin trading in the stock market. Indeed, the panic of 1907 had powerfully demonstrated that when speculative bubbles built up a powerful head of steam the free market had a ready cure.
In that pre-Fed episode, money market rates soared to 20, 30 and even 90 percent at the peak of the bubble. In short order, of course, speculators in copper, real estate, railroads, trust banks and all manner of over-hyped stock were carried out on their shields—-even as JPMorgan’s men, who were gathered as a de facto central bank in his library on Madison Avenue, selectively rescued only the solvent banks with their own money at-risk.
Needless to say, these very same free market interest rates were a mortal enemy of deficit finance because they rationed the supply of savings to the highest bidder. Thus, the ancient republican moral verity of balanced budgets was powerfully reinforced by the visible hand of rising interest rates: deficit spending by the public sector automatically and quickly crowded out borrowing by private households and business.
How The Bankers’ Bank Got Hijacked To Fund War Bonds
And this brings us to the Rubicon of modern Warfare State finance. During World War I the US public debt rose from $1.5 billion to $27 billion—an eruption that would have been virtually impossible without wartime amendments which allowed the Fed to own or finance U.S. Treasury debt. These “emergency” amendments—it’s always an emergency in wartime—enabled a fiscal scheme that was ingenious, but turned the Fed’s modus operandi upside down and paved the way for today’s monetary central planning.
As is well known, the Wilson war crusaders conducted massive nationwide campaigns to sell Liberty Bonds to the patriotic masses. What is far less understood is that Uncle Sam’s bond drives were the original case of no savings? No credit? No problem!
What happened was that every national bank in America conducted a land office business advancing loans for virtually 100 percent of the war bond purchase price—with such loans collateralized by Uncle Sam’s guarantee. Accordingly, any patriotic American with enough pulse to sign the loan papers could buy some Liberty Bonds.
And where did the commercial banks obtain the billions they loaned out to patriotic citizens to buy Liberty Bonds? Why the Federal Reserve banks opened their discount loan windows to the now eligible collateral of war bonds.
Additionally, Washington pegged the rates on these loans below the rates on its treasury bonds, thereby providing a no-brainer arbitrage profit to bankers.
Through this backdoor maneuver, the war debt was thus massively monetized. Washington learned that it could unplug the free market interest rate in favor of state administered prices for money, and that credit could be massively expanded without the inconvenience of higher savings out of deferred consumption. Effectively, Washington financed Woodrow Wilson’s crusade with its newly discovered printing press—-turning the innocent “banker’s bank” legislated in 1913 into a dangerously potent new arm of the state.
Bubbles Ben 1.0
It was this wartime transformation of the Fed into an activist central bank that postponed the normal post-war liquidation—-moving the world’s scheduled depression down the road to the 1930s. The Fed’s role in this startling feat is in plain sight in the history books, but its significance has been obfuscated by Keynesian and monetarist doctrinal blinders—that is, the presumption that the state must continuously manage the business cycle and macro-economy.
Having learned during the war that it could arbitrarily peg the price of money, the Fed next discovered it could manage the growth of bank reserves and thereby the expansion of credit and the activity rate of the wider macro-economy. This was accomplished through the conduct of “open market operations” under its new authority to buy and sell government bonds and bills—something which sounds innocuous by today’s lights but was actually the fatal inflection point. It transferred the process of credit creation from the free market to an agency of the state.
As it happened, the patriotic war bond buyers across the land did steadily pay-down their Liberty loans, and, in turn, the banking system liquidated its discount window borrowings—-with a $2.7 billion balance in 1920 plunging 80 percent by 1927. In classic fashion, this should have caused the banking system to shrink drastically as war debts were liquidated and war-time inflation and malinvestments were wrung out of the economy.
But big-time mission creep had already set in. The legendary Benjamin Strong had now taken control of the system and on repeated occasions orchestrated giant open market bond buying campaigns to offset the natural liquidation of war time credit.
Accordingly, treasury bonds and bills owned by the Fed approximately doubled during the same 7-year period. Strong justified his Bernanke-like bond buying campaigns of 1924 and 1927 as helpful actions to off-set “deflation” in the domestic economy and to facilitate the return of England and Europe to convertibility under the gold standard.
But in truth the actions of Bubbles Ben 1.0 were every bit as destructive as those of Bubbles Ben 2.0.
In the first place, deflation was a good thing that was supposed to happen after a great war. Invariably, the rampant expansion of war time debt and paper money caused massive speculations and malinvestments that needed to be liquidated.
The Bank of England’s Perfidy
Likewise, the barrier to normalization globally was that England was unwilling to fully liquidate its vast wartime inflation of wage, prices and debts. Instead, it had come-up with a painless way to achieve “resumption” at the age-old parity of $4.86 per pound; namely, the so-called gold exchange standard that it peddled assiduously through the League of Nations.
The short of it was that the British convinced France, Holland, Sweden and most of Europe to keep their excess holdings of sterling exchange on deposit in the London money markets, rather than convert it to gold as under the classic, pre-war gold standard.
This amounted to a large-scale loan to the faltering British economy, but when Chancellor of the Exchequer Winston Churchill did resume convertibility in April 1925 a huge problem soon emerged. Churchill’s splendid war had so debilitated the British economy that markets did not believe its government had the resolve and financial discipline to maintain the old $4.86 parity. This, in turn, resulted in a considerable outflow of gold from the London exchange markets, putting powerful contractionary pressures on the British banking system and economy.

Real Cause of the Great Depression: Collapse of the Artificial 1914-1929 Boom
In this setting, Bubbles Ben 1.0 (New York Fed Governor Benjamin Strong) stormed in with a rescue plan that will sound familiar to contemporary ears. By means of his bond buying campaigns he sought to drive-down interest rates in New York relative to London, thereby encouraging British creditors to keep their money in higher yielding sterling rather than converting their claims to gold or dollars.
The British economy was thus given an option to keep rolling-over its debts and to continue living beyond its means. For a few years these proto-Keynesian “Lords of Finance” —- principally Ben Strong of the Fed and Montague Norman of the BOE—-managed to kick the can down the road.
But after the Credit Anstalt crisis in spring 1931, when creditors of shaky banks in central Europe demanded gold, England’s precarious mountain of sterling debts came into the cross-hairs. In short order, the money printing scheme of Bubbles Ben 1.0 designed to keep the Brits in cheap interest rates and big debts came violently unwound.
In late September a weak British government defaulted on its gold exchange standard duty to convert sterling to gold, causing the French, Dutch and other central banks to absorb massive overnight losses. The global depression then to took another lurch downward.
Inventing Bubble Finance : The Call Money Market Explosion Before 1929
But central bankers tamper with free market interest rates only at their peril—-so the domestic malinvestments and deformations which flowed from the monetary machinations of Bubbles Ben 1.0 were also monumental.
Owing to the splendid tax-cuts and budgetary surpluses of Secretary Andrew Mellon, the American economy was flush with cash, and due to the gold inflows from Europe the US banking system was extraordinarily liquid. The last thing that was needed in Roaring Twenties America was the cheap interest rates—-at 3 percent and under—that resulted from Strong’s meddling in the money markets.
At length, Strong’s ultra-low interest rates did cause credit growth to explode, but it did not end-up funding new steel mills or auto assembly plants. Instead, the Fed’s cheap debt flooded into the Wall Street call money market where it fueled that greatest margin debt driven stock market bubble the world had ever seen. By 1929, margin debt on Wall Street had soared to 12 percent of GDP or the equivalent of $2 trillion in today’s economy (compared to $450 billion at present).
The Original Sub-Prime: Wall Street’s 1920s Foreign Bond Mania
As is well known, much economic carnage resulted from the Great Crash of 1929. But what is less well understood is that the great stock market bubble also spawned a parallel boom in foreign bonds—-a specie of Wall Street paper that soon proved to be the sub-prime of its day. Indeed, Bubbles Ben 1.0 triggered a veritable cascade of speculative borrowing that soon spread to the far corners of the globe, including places like municipality of Rio de Janeiro, the Kingdom of Denmark and the free city of Danzig, among countless others.
It seems that the margin debt fueled stock market drove equity prices so high that big American corporations with no needs for cash were impelled to sell bundles of new stock anyway in order to feed the insatiable appetites of retail speculators. They then used the proceeds to buy Wall Street’s high yielding “foreign bonds”, thereby goosing their own reported earnings, levitating their stock prices even higher and causing the cycle to be repeated again and again.
As the Nikkei roared to 50,000 in the late 1980s, the Japanese were pleased to call this madness “zaitech”, and it didn’t work any better the second time around. But the 1920s version of zaitech did generate prodigious sums of cash that foreign borrowers cycled right back to exports from America’s farms, mines and factories. Over the eight years ending in 1929, the present day equivalent of $1.5 trillion was raised on Wall Street’s red hot foreign bond market, meaning that the US economy simply doubled-down on the vendor finance driven export boom that had been originally sparked by the massive war loans to the Allies.
In fact, over the period 1914-1929 the U. S. loaned overseas customers—-from the coffee plantations of Brazil to the factories of the Ruhr—-the modern day equivalent of $3.5 trillion to prop-up demand for American exports. The impact was remarkable. In the 15 years before the war American exports had crept up slowly from $1.6 billion to $2.4 billion per year, and totaled $35 billion over the entire period. By contrast, shipments from American farms and factors soared to nearly $11 billion annually by 1919 and totaled $100 billion—three times more—over the 15 years through 1929.
So this was vendor finance on a vast scale——reflecting the exact mercantilist playbook that Mr. Deng chanced upon 60 years later when he opened the export factories of East China, and then ordered the People’s Bank to finance China’s exports of T-shirts, sneakers, plastic extrusions, zinc castings and mini-backhoes via the continuous massive purchases of Uncle Sam’s bonds, bills and guaranteed housing paper.
Our present day Keynesian witch doctors antiseptically label the $3.8 trillion that China has accumulated through this massive currency manipulation and repression as “foreign exchange reserves”, but they are nothing of the kind. If China had honest exchange rates, it reserves would be a tiny sliver of today’s level.
In truth, China’s $3.8 trillion of reserves are a gigantic vendor loan to its customers. This is a financial clone of the $3.5 trillion equivalent that the great American creditor and export powerhouse loaned to the rest of the world between 1914 and 1929.
Needless to say, after the October 1929 crash, the Wall Street foreign bond market went stone cold, with issuance volume dropping by 95 percent within a year or two. Thereupon foreign bond default rates suddenly soared because sub-prime borrowers all over the world had been engaged in a Ponzi—-tapping new money on Wall Street to pay interest on the old loans.
By 1931 foreign bonds were trading at 8 cents on the dollar—-not coincidentally in the same busted zip code where sub-prime mortgage bonds ended up in 2008-2009.
Still, busted bonds always mean a busted economic cycle until the malinvestments they initially fund can be liquidated or repurposed. Thus, the 1929 Wall Street bust generated a devastating crash in US exports as the massive vendor financed foreign demand for American farm and factory goods literally vanished. By 1933 exports had slipped all the way back to the $2.4 billion level of 1914.
1929-1933 Foreign Bond and US Export Bust: True Source of the Great Depression
That’s not all. As US export shipments crashed by 70 percent between 1929 and 1933, there were ricochet effect throughout the domestic economy.
This artificial 15-year export boom had caused the production capacity of American farms and factories to become dramatically oversized, meaning that during this interval there had occurred a domestic capital spending boom of monumental proportions. While estimated GDP grew by a factor of 2.5X during 1914-1929, capital spending by manufacturers rose by 7X. Auto production capacity, for example, increased from 2 million vehicles annually in 1920 to more than 6 million by 1929.
Needless to say, when world export markets collapsed, the US economy was suddenly drowning in excess capacity. In short order, the decade-long capital spending boom came to a screeching halt, with annual outlays for plant and equipment tumbling by 80 percent in the four years after 1929, and shipments of items like machine tools plummeting by 95 percent.
Not surprisingly, in the wake of this drastic downshift in output, American business also found itself drowning in excess inventories. Accordingly, nearly half of all production inventories extant in 1929 were liquidated by 1933, resulting in a shocking 20 percent hit to GDP—a blow that would amount to a $3 trillion drop in today’s economy.
Finally, Bubbles Ben 1.0 had induced vast but temporary “wealth effects” just like his present day successor. Stock prices surged by 150 percent in the final three years of the mania. There was also an explosion of consumer installment loans for durable goods and mortgages for homes. Indeed, mortgage debt soared by nearly 4X during the decade before the crash, while boom-time sales of autos, appliances and radios nearly tripled durable goods sales in the eight years ending in 1929.
All of this debt and wealth effects induced spending came to an abrupt halt when stock prices came tumbling back to earth. Durable goods and housing plummeted by 80 percent during the next four years. In the case of automobiles, where stock market lottery winners had been buying new cars hand over fist, the impact was especially far reaching. After sales peaked at 5.3 million units in 1929, they dropped like a stone to 1.4 million vehicles in 1932, meaning that this 75 percent shrinkage of auto sales cascaded through the entire auto supply chain including metal working equipment, steel, glass, rubber, electricals and foundry products.
Thus, the Great Depression was born in the extraordinary but unsustainable boom of 1914-1929 that was, in turn, an artificial and bloated project of the warfare and central banking branches of the state, not the free market. Nominal GDP, which had been deformed and bloated to $103 billion by 1929, contracted massively, dropping to only $56 billion by 1933.
Crucially, the overwhelming portion of this unprecedented contraction was in exports, inventories, fixed plant and durable goods—the very sectors that had been artificially hyped. These components declined by $33 billion during the four year contraction and accounted for fully 70 percent of the entire drop in nominal GDP.
So there was no mysterious loss of that Keynesian economic ether called “aggregate demand”, but only the inevitable shrinkage of a state induced boom. It was not the depression bottom of 1933 that was too low, but the wartime debt and speculation bloated peak in 1929 that had been unsustainably too high.



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CANADA

Welfare State

Welfare state is a term that was apparently first used in the English language in

1941 in a book written by William Temple, Archbishop of York, England.
Welfare state is a term that was apparently first used in the English language in 1941 in a book written by William Temple, Archbishop of York, England. For many years after, postwar British society was frequently characterized (often pejoratively) as a "welfare state," but by the 1960s the term commonly denoted an industrial capitalist society in which state power was "deliberately used (through politics and administration) in an effort to modify the play of market forces."
For Asa Briggs, the author of this definition in an article appearing in The Welfare State (1967), there are 3 types of welfare state activities: provision of minimum income, provision for the reduction of economic insecurity resulting from such "contingencies" as sickness, old age and unemployment, and provision to all members of society of a range of social services. Under this definition, Canada became a welfare state after the passage of the social welfare reforms of the 1960s (see Social Security).
Richard Titmuss, one of the most influential writers on the welfare state, noted in Essays on the Welfare State (1959) that the social welfare system may be larger than the welfare state, a distinction of particular importance in Canada, where the social services component of the welfare state is less well developed. In addition to occupational welfare, there is a range of services provided by para-public, trade union, church, and nonprofit institutions. These are often funded by a combination of state and private sources.

Social Welfare and Social Philosophy

To some writers, the expansion of the welfare state is a central political focus of Social democracy because of the contribution of welfare state policies and programs to the reduction of inequality, the expansion of freedom, the promotion of fellowship and democracy, and the expression of humanitarianism. In Canada such a view of the welfare state appeared in the League for Social Reconstruction's Social Planning for Canada (1935) and in the reports of social reformers, such as Leonard Marsh's classic, Report on Social Security for Canada (1943), written for the wartime Advisory Committee on Reconstruction. Politically, this view has been expressed in the platforms of the New Democratic Party and its predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and practised most notably by the postwar CCF government in Saskatchewan.
In the contemporary period, social democratic ideas on social welfare continue to find expression in the briefs produced by the Canadian Labour Congress, Canada's largest trade union federation, which since 1961 has been allied with the NDP; in the work of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, which is closely allied to both; and in the pages of Canadian Forum magazine. A popular form of these ideas can be found in the books of investigative journalist Linda McQuaig such as The Wealthy Banker's Wife.
It is the modern liberal, and not the social democratic, conception of the role of the Canadian state in the provision of social welfare that has been dominant. In 20th-century liberalism, as practised in Canada and elsewhere, the responsibility for well-being rests with either the individual or the family, or with both. Simultaneously, there is a clear acceptance that capitalist economies are not self-regulating but require significant levels of state intervention to achieve stability. In relation to Briggs's definition, there is an emphasis in liberalism on the first 2 of the 3 welfare state activities: minimum income and social insurance.
The necessity to develop a more cautious and residual social welfare state has been the theme of a number of major statements and reports by British writers J.M. Keynes and William Beveridge, and of the Canadian Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations (1940), the postwar White Paper on Employment and Income (1945) and the more recent federal Working Paper on Social Security in Canada (1973). It is an approach expressed in Mackenzie King's Industry and Humanity (1918), Harry Cassidy's Social Security and Reconstruction in Canada (1943), and also in Tom Kent's Social Policy for Canada (1962), which presaged the period of high social reform from 1963 to 1968. In the contemporary period, these ideas continue to find expression in the work of the Institute for Research on Public Policy and its magazine, Policy Options, edited by Tom Kent.
The modern conservative conception of the welfare state is guided by the principles of 19th-century liberalism, ie, less government equals more liberty, from which follows the defence of individual pursuit of self-interest and the unleashing of competitive forces operating through private markets (see Conservatism). The reduction of inequality, often held to be a goal if not a result of the welfare state, is considered antithetical to the pursuit of freedom and to material progress.
Consequently the modern welfare state is criticized from the conservative perspective. In particular, it is often argued that social expenditures have become too heavy a burden for the modern state and that state expenditures on social programs divert resources from private markets, thus hampering economic growth. According to the conservative conception, the welfare state has discouraged people from seeking work and has created a large, centralized, uncontrolled and unproductive bureaucracy. Proponents of this view argue that the welfare state must be cut down and streamlined, and that many of its welfare activities should be turned over to charity and to private corporations. In reference to Briggs' definition of the welfare state, conservatives support only the minimum income activities of the contemporary welfare state.
This view of the welfare state is currently supported in Canada by many members of the Conservative Party and by the Reform Party. The idea of the conservative welfare state had its clearest expression in Charlotte Whitton's The Dawn of Ampler Life (1943) commissioned by John Bracken, then Conservative Party leader, to criticize the social democratic views incorporated in Marsh's Report on Social Security for Canada; it also appeared in the west in the writings of former Alberta Premier E.C. Manning; and, in Québec, in the publications of the Semaines Sociales du Canada. In the contemporary period, this view is prevalent in the books and briefs produced by business-oriented research and lobby organizations such as the Fraser Institute and the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Business Council on National Issues, a lobby organization representing Canada's largest companies. Social Canada in the Millennium by economist Tom Courchene, published by the C.D. Howe Institute, is representative.
The re-examination of contemporary capitalist societies begun in the 1960s has produced a Marxist interpretation of the welfare state. In this view, in societies such as Canada, which are dominated by private markets, it is the exploitation of labour that supports the ever increasing growth of capital in the hands of private employers. In this context, a major role of the modern state is the provision of an appropriately trained, educated, housed and disciplined labour force available to employers when and where necessary. To accomplish this, the welfare state becomes involved in the regulation of women, children and the family through laws affecting marriage, divorce, contraception, separation, adoption, and child support since the family is the institution directly concerned with the preparation of present and future generations of workers and in provisions for employment, education, housing, and public and private health.
These ideas found expression in Canada in the past in the publications of the Communist Party of Canada. They continue to find expression in works by university-based authors and in the pages of magazines such as This Magazine and Canadian Dimension. See, for example, Dickinson and Russell, eds, Family, Economy and State (1986).

Development of a Welfare State in Canada

Social welfare in Canada has passed through roughly 4 phases of development that correspond to 4 phases of the country's economic, political and domestic development.

The Interventionist Phase: 1941-1974

This phase marks the arrival of what is conventionally called the welfare state. By the beginning of WWII, the economic and political lessons of the Depression had been well learned. Canadians increasingly accepted the expanded role of the state in economic and social life and expected this to continue after the war. In order to facilitate Canadian involvement in the war, the federal government instituted a wide range of measures including the construction of housing, controls on rents, prices, wages and materials, the regulation of industrial relations, veterans pensions, land settlement, rehabilitation and education, day nurseries and the recruitment of women into the paid work force in large numbers.
Wartime studies which provided the promise of postwar employment and economic security such as the British Beveridge report released in December 1942, and the Canadian report on social security prepared by Leonard Marsh and released in March 1943, were widely distributed and of considerable influence. The Liberal government largely ignored these and other wartime reports such as those by Heagerty on health and hospital insurance and the Curtis report on housing (also written by Marsh).
Instead King settled on a political compromise, which at first consisted of the establishment of family allowances in l944, in order to undercut the surge in electoral support for the CCF and the pressure from the trade unions for an increase in wages, particularly for poorly paid workers.
After re-election in 1945, the postwar Liberal government moved to dismantle much of the apparatus of state intervention constructed during the war. The White Paper on Employment, which appeared the same year, expressed the government's belief in the approach to economic management which followed from the work of the economist J.M. Keynes. The economy would be managed to produce full employment by providing assistance to private enterprise rather than by engaging directly in economic activity or by providing further social welfare measures. Nonetheless, at the Dominion-Provincial Conference that year, the King government presented the Green Book proposals which included social assistance and hospital insurance measures in order to gain concessions from the provinces on income and corporation taxes. The provinces did not agree, and the proposals were not subsequently revived until more than 10 years later.
Pressures for social reform continued and, under the postwar government of Louis St. Laurent, public housing, federal hospital grants and assistance programs for disabled and blind persons were initiated. A trade union campaign for changes in pensions led to the establishment of universal old-age pensions for those over 70 and means-tested old-age security for those between 65 and 70 in 1951-52. For the first time, cash benefits were extended to aboriginal people. An amendment to the Indian Act in 1951 extended the application of provincial social welfare legislation to native people. Lastly, the first permanent program for the funding of social assistance, the Unemployment Assistance Act, was put into place in 1956 after pressures from the private charities and the provinces, which could no longer support the cost of relief.
In 1957, the Liberal government was defeated in favour of the Progressive Conservatives under John Diefenbaker. During the period of Conservative Party government, permanent programs for the funding of hospitalization, higher education and vocational rehabilitation were introduced or extended.
The Liberal Party was returned as a reform-oriented minority government under L.B. Pearson in 1963 on a cyclical economic upsurge. Influenced by the American "war on poverty," by the necessity to maintain the political support of the newly formed New Democratic Party, and by provincial reform initiatives, Pearson's Liberal government presided over the introduction of 3 major pieces of social legislation which constituted the last building blocks of the Canadian welfare state: The Canada Pension Plan, which established a national compulsory contributory pension plan; the Canada Assistance Plan, which consolidated the Unemployment Assistance Act together with legislation providing social assistance to persons physically disabled, and made federal funding available for assistance to single parents and for a range of social services including day care; and Medicare, which established a national system of personal health insurance.
To these were added the Guaranteed Income Supplement, and the gradual reduction over the subsequent 5 years of the age of receipt of the universal pension to the age of 65, an increase in post-secondary education funding, and the consolidation of hospital, medicare and post-secondary education funding in the Established Programs Financing Act (see Intergovernmental Finance).
The National Housing Act was also amended in 1964 to provide loans on favourable terms to provincial housing corporations, clearing the way for more public housing. In the same year, by the simple expedient of a Treasury Board minute, native relief was transformed into a parallel system of social assistance based on provincial legislation but with lower rates. The point system was introduced into the Immigration Act during the 1960s, paving the way for a substantial increase in immigration, particularly from Asia and the Caribbean. This period of high social reform ended with several further significant social reforms, in the legislation controlling divorce (see Marriage and Divorce), abortion and contraceptives (see Birth Control), all of which became more widely available and had an important impact on women, the family and on Canadian social life in general.
In 1968, the Liberal Party, now led by P.E. Trudeau, was re-elected with a majority government. The expansion of the coverage and benefits of Unemployment Insurance to cover most workers followed in 1971. New provisions included seasonal workers and maternity leave benefits for the first time. After re-election of a minority Liberal government (1972-74), the reorganization of Income Tax, the expansion of the National Housing Act to cover co-operative and nonprofit assistance, and the first significant increase in Family Allowance since 1945, were accomplished.
The Social Security Review, launched in 1973 by the release of the Orange Paper on Social Security reform, was intended to lead to joint federal-provincial expansion of public social services and assistance for the working poor. The Review was stalled by an inability for agreement and overtaken by economic decline. The only further reform to appear was the child tax credit (in 1978), an innovation in that for the first time the tax system was used to provide a social benefit, although the funds for it came from an equivalent reduction in the value of the Family Allowance.

The Fourth Phase: Erosion and the Future of Welfare, 1975-

In the 1970s, social expenditures began to increase as a result of the expansion of the range and number of social programs. Increased funding made it possible to improve income security, particularly for the elderly as a result of the Old Age Security and the Guaranteed Income Supplement, persons with disabilities, single parents under federally cost-shared provincial social assistance, and for the unemployed under unemployment insurance and social assistance. Parents received a larger degree of income support for their children under the Family Allowance. Social services, particularly child welfare and child care, improved in quantity and quality as a result of the Canada Assistance Plan funding. Post-secondary education was expanded to cover a wider section of the population and personal health care became widely available for the first time.
As unemployment grew in the 1970s, programs such as unemployment insurance and social assistance automatically expanded, pumping more income into the hands of people who were unable temporarily to provide for themselves. The impact of these latter increases on public expenditures were particularly evident from the mid-1970s, when the economy entered a period of decline after 10 years of growth.
In the 1970s and early 1980s, rising inflation and the growing demands of newly unionized public sector employees increased demands on public expenditures as well. These conditions ushered in a new conservative political approach in which previous Keynesian verities were turned upside down. Decreasing government expenditures, particularly for social programs, were held to be the way to return economic prosperity. The resultant unemployment was intended to reduce pressures for wage increases, to moderate inflation and to provide a stimulus to private economic development. Although inflation did moderate, relatively high unemployment has meant continuing demands on social programs expenditures.
Many of the methods begun in the early 1980s to control social expenditures have been used by both federal and provincial governments since that time. These methods have included changing eligibility and benefits, particularly under unemployment insurance and social assistance; "privatizing" provincial social programs by contracting out responsibility for social services (particularly those relating to children and the aged); provincial attempts to raise revenues through medicare premiums and user fees; decreasing social-program budgets relatively if not absolutely; imposing an eroding level of assistance benefit; and termination of some social programs - for example, the federal Family Allowance. The passage of the Canada Health Act in l984 effectively ended the process by which physicians in some provinces had been opting out of medicare in order to charge higher fees.
The election of a new Conservative government under Brian Mulroney in 1984 brought in a repudiation of the postwar commitment to full employment and to the role of government in the maintenance of social well-being. Shortly after election, the new government announced its commitments to the reduction of inflation and to the size of government, to the size of the budgetary deficit and accumulated debt, and to an increase in "private initiative." The new government received or initiated several reviews of social policy: the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Economic Development, The Forget Commission on unemployment insurance, the Neilson Task Force Report on the Canada Assistance Plan, and a House of Commons Special Committee on Child Care.
Between 1984 and 1993, federal Conservative governments introduced a range of measures to reduce expenditures on social programs including gradually reducing old-age security benefits at middle income levels and above; reducing and eventually eliminating the family allowances; reducing the range of workers covered by and the benefits available under unemployment insurance; and terminating cost sharing under the Canada Assistance Plan in 3 provinces in 1990.
The election of the federal Liberals under Jean Chrétien brought in a government which was expected to redress the balance between the economic and the social. After taking office, the new federal government announced a social security review. A discussion paper, Improving Social Security in Canada was released in October 1994, providing recommendations in 4 different areas: employment services, unemployment insurance, student loans and the Canada Assistance Plan. The 1995 budget announced the termination of the Canada Assistance Plan in 1996 and significant reductions in federal funding for social assistance, post-secondary education and health care. In April 1996 the Canada Health and Social Transfer (CHST) replaced the Canada Assistance Plan. Between 1994 and 1998 the government cut $6.3 billion in health and social program transfers under the CHST.
Since 1975, as a result of these changes social expenditures have continued to increase but social welfare has been eroded. One indication is in the growing number of soup kitchens and food banks which appeared in the 1980s all across Canada and increased in the 1990s. Another is in the growing numbers of the homeless. Social programs are still designed to deal with unemployment as a "contingency," an unusual occurrence, and not as the regular feature of economic and social life that it has become. This fact will no doubt continue to exert considerable pressure on future welfare state policy.

Female Perspective

Modern feminism provides an assessment of the welfare state from the standpoint of women. While it encompasses a range of viewpoints, the idea that women constitute an oppressed group within Canadian society is basic to all. The work that women do, whether in the household or in the labour force, is undervalued. Women remain the primary care givers in the home for spouses, children and aging relatives, work which they perform without pay in a world where only paid work is valued. A high percentage of women, including women with small children, are now participating in the labour force, but they are concentrated into a small range of occupations that are often connected to their role as primary care giver. Women remain underpaid in relation to men and have less access to higher paid positions (see Women in the Labour Force).
From this point of view the welfare state, while providing many benefits, has also contributed to the oppression of women through legislation which is based on a traditional role for women and which reduces rather than expands their options. Family-related legislation does not obligate separated or divorced male parents to pay their fair share of child-related costs, leaving many women single parents dependent on social assistance and in poverty (see Family Law, Marriage and Divorce, Poverty). Inadequate public child care prevents many women from seeking paid work (see Day Care). Inadequate care alternatives for aging relatives places an increasing burden on women who provide care and do undertake paid work. In recent years, these ideas have been expressed by organizations such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, a federation of women's organizations, in magazines such as Herizons and Resources for Feminist Research and books such as Baines, Evans and Neysmith, eds, Women's Caring: Feminist Perspectives on Social Welfare (1991).

The Early Period: 1840-1890

In the early period of capitalist development, the activities of the state initiated in response to poverty and disease were largely regulatory in nature. Social welfare, considered a matter that was primarily of local and private concern, consisted of the provision of relief, the care of the insane and of handicapped and neglected children (see Child Welfare), and the incarceration of lawbreakers. After Confederation, the provision of social welfare services continued to be irregular and piecemeal, depending in part on the philanthropic inclinations and concerns of the upper class - in particular of those upper-class women who viewed charitable activities as an extension of their maternal roles and as an acceptable undertaking in society.
Reform of this system was predicated on the notion that the family was the basis of economic security. The institutionalization of the family and the social reproduction of labour, which began with legislation to enforce alimony, to regulate matrimonial property and marriage, and to limit divorce and contraception, was expanded with limitations on hours of work for women and children. Compulsory education and public health regulations were developed primarily in response to the spread of disease and fears of social unrest. Provincial governments began to support charitable institutions with regular grants.

The Transitional Phase: 1891-1940

Although the primary concern of the Canadian state remained the promotion of profitable private economic development, particularly through support of "infrastructural" institutions, the state also came to be associated with the provision of a plentiful supply of appropriately skilled labour through the regulation of the relations of capital and labour, and the maintenance of the family. This was largely achieved by the use of state mechanisms to maintain stability in the economy and in the family, and to do both at the least cost and risk to employers. During the same period, charity workers and private charity organizations began to consolidate and to battle ideologically and, generally, unsuccessfully for control of social welfare.
The appearance of legislation compelling children to attend school and providing public authorities with the power to make decisions in relation to "neglected" children was part of a growing number of state interventions to regulate social welfare. Industrial relations legislation was also passed in the first decade of the 20th century, allowing the state to intervene in the relations between labour and capital.
The first piece of compulsory contributory social insurance legislation in Canada, the Workmen's Compensation Act, was passed in Ontario in 1914. During WWI, 2 important events speeded the development of an interventionist welfare state: demands for the support of injured soldiers and demands for the support of the families left behind. Both demands led to the establishment of a Dominion scheme of pensions and rehabilitation and, in Manitoba, to the first mothers' allowances legislation in 1916.
Several provinces followed with mothers' allowance legislation of their own, but it was restricted to providing minimal support to deserted and widowed women. By war's end, after the incorporation of many thousands of women workers into the wartime labour force, they were encouraged to step aside to provide employment for male heads of households.
The postwar era also ushered in the first (and brief) Dominion scheme to encourage the construction of housing, but it lasted only from 1919 to 1924. While there was considerable debate during the 1920s about whether to establish permanent unemployment, relief and pension schemes, the only result was the passage of the 1927 old-age pension legislation, and this was in part the result of the efforts of J.S. Woodsworth and a small group of Independent Labour members of Parliament. Under this legislation, the federal government shared the cost of provincially administered and means-tested pensions for destitute persons over the age of 70. It was a modest beginning. The legislation explicitly excluded native people from receiving pension payments.
It was the traumatic economic conditions of the Great Depression that forced a change in social philosophy and state intervention. In 1930, with hundreds of thousands of Canadians unemployed, the newly elected Conservative government under R.B. Bennett legislated Dominion Unemployment Relief, which provided the provinces with grants to assist in the provision of relief. Subsequently the government opened unemployment relief camps run by the Department of National Defense, often in isolated locales, in order to give work at minimal wages to the single unemployed and to keep them away from urban areas.
By 1935 the Conservative Party's stern resistance to social reform was softened in the face of an economic catastrophe, with estimates of unemployment at up to one-quarter of the work force. Continuing pressure from the trade unions, from relief camp workers, and from social reformers for jobs, better wages and unemployment insurance, and waning popularity, led Bennett to abandon reliance on the so-called natural "restorative" powers of capitalism in favour of advocacy of social reform in Bennett's New Deal, introduced to the public in a series of radio talks in 1935. Later that same year, the Dominion Housing Act become the first piece of permanent legislation for housing assistance.
Although the provinces objected to the New Deal's labour and social insurance reforms and the courts subsequently determined that the federal government did not have the power to pass such legislation, the necessity for social reform was reaffirmed in the Report of the Royal Commission on Dominion-Provincial Relations created by Mackenzie King's Liberal government to examine the constitutional and social questions posed by the Depression. The Report recommended that the federal government take responsibility for employment and the unemployed, and the provinces for social services and those people deemed to be unemployable, eg, single mothers, pensioners and disabled persons.
The federal Unemployment Insurance Act was passed in 1940, after agreement with the provinces and a change in the British North America Act to give the federal government the authority for unemployment insurance. The Tax Rental Agreement arrived at with the provinces after protracted negotiations early in wartime gave the federal government the right to collect income and corporate taxes for the duration of the war, a right it has retained to the present.





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QUEBEC



USA CAUSED THE GREAT DEPRESSION WITH THEIR GREED.... and the world suffered.... Canada's story



THE GREAT DEPRESSION IN CANADA
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The Montréal Review, February 2009
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In 1940 the federal government assumed responsibility for the jobless by introducing a national unemployment insurance scheme (see Employment Insurance) and employment service.


The worldwide Great Depression of the early 1930s was a social and economic shock that left millions of Canadians unemployed, hungry and often homeless. Few countries were affected as severely as Canada during what became known as the Dirty Thirties, due to Canada’s heavy dependence on raw material and farm exports, combined with a crippling Prairies drought.



Great Depression- Canada


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Great Depression of Canada



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Great Depression in Canada Pictures





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CANADA: Universities and the Great Depression
14 December 2008 Issue No:57


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Films about History - Canada - 1920-1945 & Great Depression available for online viewing.

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faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/quebechistory/...Cached
The absence of a generous and sensitive refugee policy in Canada during the Great Depression was hugely felt by Jews in the 1930's.
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Canada's Depression-Era Deportation of Communists



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Comparing official U.S. and Canadian unemployment rates shows Canada's rate was 5% lower during the Depression. This is puzzling since other macro data do not s
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Canada was hard hit by the Great Depression. Between 1929 and 1933, the gross national product dropped 40% (compared to 37% in the US). Unemployment reached 27% at the depth of the Depression in 1933. Many businesses closed, as corporate profits of $396 million in 1929 turned into losses of $98 million in 1933. Canadian exports shrank by 50% from 1929 to 1933. Construction all but stopped (down 82%, 1929-33), and wholesale prices dropped 30%. Wheat prices plunged from 78c per bushel (1928 crop) to 29c in 1932.
Worst hit were areas dependent on primary industries such as farming, mining and logging, as prices fell and there were few alternative jobs. Most families had moderate losses and little hardship, though they too became pessimistic and their debts become heavier as prices fell. Some families saw most or all of their assets disappear, and suffered severely.


Great Depression, Canada






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What good is democracy when no-one bothers 2 go out and vote Canada?




Elections Canada is the independent, ... Find your electoral district, local Elections Canada office, list of candidates, where to vote and more. Type your postal code:


and



What good is democracy when no-one bothers 2 go out and vote Canada?



Elections Canada is the independent, ... Find your electoral district, local Elections Canada office, list of candidates, where to vote and more. Type your postal code:

and

Canada was affected mostly on the English-canadians and french- Canadian relations. Because when king asked the people to vote on conscription all the English ...



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Human rights are not only violated by terrorism, repression or assassination, but also by unfair economic structures that creates huge inequalities.

Pope Francis


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We must restore hope to young people, help the old, be open to the future, spread love. Be poor among the poor. We need to include the excluded and preach peace.

Pope Francis

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Where there is no work, there is no dignity.

Pope Francis
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A little bit of mercy makes the world less cold and more just.

Pope Francis
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LYRICS- A LITTLE GOOD NEWS - ANNE MURRAY - 1983

I rolled out this mornin' the kids had the mornin' news show on
Bryant Gumbel was talkin' 'bout the fighting in Lebanon
Some senator was squawkin' 'bout the bad economy
It's gonna get worse you see, we need a change in policy

There's a local paper rolled up in a rubber band
One more sad story's one more than I can stand
Just once how I'd like to see the headline say
"Not much to print today, can't find nothin' bad to say", because

Nobody robbed a liquor store on the lower part of town
Nobody OD'ed, nobody burned a single buildin' down
Nobody fired a shot in anger, nobody had to die in vain
We sure could use a little good news today

I'll come home this evenin', I'll bet that the news will be the same
Somebody takes a hostage, somebody steals a plane
How I wanna hear the anchor man talk about a county fair
And how we cleaned up the air, how everybody learned to care
Whoa, tell me

Nobody was assassinated in the whole Third World today
And in the streets of Ireland, all the children had to do was play
And everybody loves everybody in the good old USA
We sure could use a little good news today

Nobody robbed a liquor store on the lower part of town
Nobody OD'ed, nobody burned a single buildin' down
Nobody fired a shot in anger, nobody had to die in vain
We sure could use a little good news today

Read more: Anne Murray - A Little Good News Lyrics | MetroLyrics


"A Little Good News" was written by Rocco, Thomas / Bourke, Rory Michael / Black, Charles Frank.


Anne Murray 1983- A LITTLE GOOD NEWS



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BLOGSPOT:

ONE BILLION RISING CANADA- Women and the right 2 vote- country by country- Please honour those women who sacrificed so much 4 ur privilege 2 vote - pls honour us


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INCOME TAX FORMED ON THE ASHES OF WWI



The Income Tax History of Canada
Income tax doesn't have a long history in Canada; the country has only utilized income tax to fund government activities since World War I. The history of Canadian income tax may be short, but it is filled with complex and fascinating moments.


1.  Before the Institution of Income Tax

o  Prior to 1917, the Canadian government did not charge income tax. This was part of a plan to encourage immigration to Canada, as the UK and the US were charging income tax during this time period. It was hoped that by offering vast amounts of land for new immigrants to live on and not charging income tax, Canada could encourage people from other countries to make their new homes within its borders. Prior to the introduction of the income tax, Canada relied on money from tariffs and customs to provide revenue.

Causation

o  In 1917, the cost of participating in World War I had become too great, and the government was forced to temporarily adopt an income tax system in order to finance the war effort. What was going to be a temporary measure is now the largest form of income available to the Canadian government. Sir Thomas White, Minister of Finance, was the man who proposed the "war" income tax.
o 

Quebec

o  As with all aspects of Canadian provincial government, Quebec does things a little bit differently than the rest of the country. Quebec operates its own special personal income tax system. The province has complete autonomy to determine what sorts of income can be taxed. For the most part, however, Quebec is remarkably similar to the rest of the provinces in terms of administering income tax.

Current Laws: Personal Income Tax

o  As with most income taxes, Canadians today pay a percentage that is based on how much money they make. See the table listed under the Resources section for a full breakdown of marginal tax rates for personal income.
Not all types of income are taxed, however. For example, types of income not subject to income tax include gifts, inheritances, lottery winnings, gambling earnings or military pensions.

Current Laws: Corporate Taxation

o  Corporate income is taxed by the Canada Revenue Agency in most cases. However, the provinces of Ontario, Quebec and Alberta collect their own corporate income taxes. Starting in 2009, Ontario's taxes will collected by the CRA. Corporations and companies must pay taxes on income and capital. Starting in 2002, some larger companies established income trusts in an effort to reduce or eliminate their income tax payments. Only half of income from capital gain is taxed.
2.  
Related Searches

References

Resources




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CANADA-  WW1 AND WWII- and the horrific cruelties

WW1 and WWII-  German Wars/Japan



and

Canada was affected mostly on the English-canadians and french- Canadian relations. Because when king asked the people to vote on conscription all the English ...

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jafi.org/JewishAgency/English/Jewish Education/Compelling Content/...
Jewish Soldiers and Prisoners of War during World War II: ... the Second World War? ... Hungary's Human Losses in World War II, Upsalla University, Sweden, ...




HIGH SCHOOL PROGRAM-
"The Second World War was among the most destructive conflicts in human history: more than forty million soldiers and civilians perished, many in circumstances of terrible cruelty. During the 2,174 days of war between the German attack on Poland in September 1939 and the surrender of Japan in August 1945, by far the largest number of those killed, whether in battle or behind the lines, had no name or face except to those who knew or loved them."
Martin Gilbert, Second World War, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London, 1989, p.1 (highlights added (by Serah Beizer)).



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'Less Than Human': The Psychology Of Cruelty
March 29, 2011 1:00 PM ET
March 29, 2011 1:00 PM ET
30 min 0 sec
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David Livingstone Smith is co-founder and director of the Institute for Cognitive Science and Evolutionary Psychology at the University of New England. Courtesy of the publisher hide caption
itoggle caption Courtesy of the publisher
David Livingstone Smith is co-founder and director of the Institute for Cognitive Science and Evolutionary Psychology at the University of New England.
Courtesy of the publisher
During the Holocaust, Nazis referred to Jews as rats. Hutus involved in the Rwanda genocide called Tutsis cockroaches. Slave owners throughout history considered slaves subhuman animals. In Less Than Human, David Livingstone Smith argues that it's important to define and describe dehumanization, because it's what opens the door for cruelty and genocide.
"We all know, despite what we see in the movies," Smith tells NPR's Neal Conan, "that it's very difficult, psychologically, to kill another human being up close and in cold blood, or to inflict atrocities on them." So, when it does happen, it can be helpful to understand what it is that allows human beings "to overcome the very deep and natural inhibitions they have against treating other people like game animals or vermin or dangerous predators."
Rolling Stone recently published photos online of American troops posing with dead Afghans, connected to ongoing court-martial cases of soldiers at Joint Base Lewis-McChord in Washington state. In addition to posing with the corpses, "these soldiers — called the 'kill team' — also took body parts as trophies," Smith alleges, "which is very often a phenomenon that accompanies the form of dehumanization in which the enemy is seen as game."
But this is just the latest iteration in a pattern that has unfolded time and again over the course of history. In ancient Chinese, Egyptian and Mesopotamian literature, Smith found repeated references to enemies as subhuman creatures. But it's not as simple as a comparison. "When people dehumanize others, they actually conceive of them as subhuman creatures," says Smith. Only then can the process "liberate aggression and exclude the target of aggression from the moral community."

Less Than Human: Why We Demean, Enslave, and Exterminate Others
By David Livingstone Smith
Hardcover, 336 pages
St. Martin's Press
List price: $24.99
When the Nazis described Jews as Untermenschen, or subhumans, they didn't mean it metaphorically, says Smith. "They didn't mean they were like subhumans. They meant they were literally subhuman."
Human beings have long conceived of the universe as a hierarchy of value, says Smith, with God at the top and inert matter at the bottom, and everything else in between. That model of the universe "doesn't make scientific sense," says Smith, but "nonetheless, for some reason, we continue to conceive of the universe in that fashion, and we relegate nonhuman creatures to a lower position" on the scale.
Then, within the human category, there has historically been a hierarchy. In the 18th century, white Europeans — the architects of the theory — "modestly placed themselves at the very pinnacle." The lower edges of the category merged with the apes, according to their thinking.
So "sub-Saharan Africans and Native Americans were denizens of the bottom of the human category," when they were even granted human status. Mostly, they were seen as "soulless animals." And that dramatic dehumanization made it possible for great atrocities to take place.
Excerpt: 'Less Than Human'
March 29, 201111:15 AM ET
David Livingstone Smith

Less Than Human: Why We Demean, Enslave, and Exterminate Others
By David Livingstone Smith
Hardcover, 336 pages
St. Martin's Press
List price: $24.99
Before I get to work explaining how dehumanization works, I want to make a preliminary case for its importance. So, to get the ball rolling, I'll briefly discuss the role that dehumanization played in what is rightfully considered the single most destructive event in human history: the Second World War. More than seventy million people died in the war, most of them civilians. Millions died in combat. Many were burned alive by incendiary bombs and, in the end, nuclear weapons. Millions more were victims of systematic genocide. Dehumanization made much of this carnage possible.
Let's begin at the end. The 1946 Nuremberg doctors' trial was the first of twelve military tribunals held in Germany after the defeat of Germany and Japan. Twenty doctors and three administrators — twenty-two men and a single woman — stood accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They had participated in Hitler's euthanasia program, in which around 200,000 mentally and physically handicapped people deemed unfit to live were gassed to death, and they performed fiendish medical experiments on thousands of Jewish, Russian, Roma and Polish prisoners.
Principal prosecutor Telford Taylor began his opening statement with these somber words:
The defendants in this case are charged with murders, tortures and other atrocities committed in the name of medical science. The victims of these crimes are numbered in the hundreds of thousands. A handful only are still alive; a few of the survivors will appear in this courtroom. But most of these miserable victims were slaughtered outright or died in the course of the tortures to which they were subjected ... To their murderers, these wretched people were not individuals at all. They came in wholesale lots and were treated worse than animals.
He went on to describe the experiments in detail. Some of these human guinea pigs were deprived of oxygen to simulate high altitude parachute jumps. Others were frozen, infested with malaria, or exposed to mustard gas. Doctors made incisions in their flesh to simulate wounds, inserted pieces of broken glass or wood shavings into them, and then, tying off the blood vessels, introduced bacteria to induce gangrene. Taylor described how men and women were made to drink seawater, were infected with typhus and other deadly diseases, were poisoned and burned with phosphorus, and how medical personnel conscientiously recorded their agonized screams and violent convulsions.
The descriptions in Taylor's narrative are so horrifying that it's easy to overlook what might seem like an insignificant rhetorical flourish: his comment that "these wretched people were ... treated worse than animals". But this comment raises a question of deep and fundamental importance. What is it that enables one group of human beings to treat another group as though they were subhuman creatures?
A rough answer isn't hard to come by. Thinking sets the agenda for action, and thinking of humans as less than human paves the way for atrocity. The Nazis were explicit about the status of their victims. They were Untermenschen — subhumans — and as such were excluded from the system of moral rights and obligations that bind humankind together. It's wrong to kill a person, but permissible to exterminate a rat. To the Nazis, all the Jews, Gypsies and others were rats: dangerous, disease-carrying rats.
Jews were the main victims of this genocidal project. From the beginning, Hitler and his followers were convinced that the Jewish people posed a deadly threat to all that was noble in humanity. In the apocalyptic Nazi vision, these putative enemies of civilization were represented as parasitic organisms — as leeches, lice, bacteria, or vectors of contagion. "Today," Hitler proclaimed in 1943, "international Jewry is the ferment of decomposition of peoples and states, just as it was in antiquity. It will remain that way as long as peoples do not find the strength to get rid of the virus." Both the death camps (the gas chambers of which were modeled on delousing chambers) and the Einsatzgruppen (paramilitary death squads that roamed across Eastern Europe followed in the wake of the advancing German army) were responses to what the Nazis perceived to be a lethal pestilence.
Sometimes the Nazis thought of their enemies as vicious, bloodthirsty predators rather than parasites. When partisans in occupied regions of the Soviet Union began to wage a guerilla war against German forces, Walter von Reichenau, the commander-in-chief of the German army, issued an order to inflict a "severe but just retribution upon the Jewish subhuman elements" (the Nazis considered all of their enemies as part of "international Jewry", and were convinced that Jews controlled the national governments of Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Military historian Mary R. Habeck confirms that, "soldiers and officers thought of the Russians and Jews as 'animals' ... that had to perish. Dehumanizing the enemy allowed German soldiers and officers to agree with the Nazis' new vision of warfare, and to fight without granting the Soviets any mercy or quarter."
The Holocaust is the most thoroughly documented example of the ravages of dehumanization. Its hideousness strains the limits of imagination. And yet, focusing on it can be strangely comforting. It's all too easy to imagine that the Third Reich was a bizarre aberration, a kind of mass insanity instigated by a small group of deranged ideologues who conspired to seize political power and bend a nation to their will. Alternatively, it's tempting to imagine that the Germans were (or are) a uniquely cruel and bloodthirsty people. But these diagnoses are dangerously wrong. What's most disturbing about the Nazi phenomenon is not that the Nazis were madmen or monsters. It's that they were ordinary human beings.
When we think of dehumanization during World War II our minds turn to the Holocaust, but it wasn't only the Germans who dehumanized their enemies. While the architects of the Final Solution were busy implementing their lethal program of racial hygiene, the Russian-Jewish poet and novelist Ilya Ehrenburg was churning out propaganda for distribution to Stalin's Red Army. These pamphlets seethed with dehumanizing rhetoric: they spoke of "the smell of Germany's animal breath," and described Germans as "two-legged animals who have mastered the technique of war" — "ersatz men" who ought to be annihilated. "The Germans are not human beings," Ehrenburg wrote, "... If you kill one German, kill another — there is nothing more amusing for us than a heap of German corpses."
This wasn't idle talk. The Wehrmacht had taken the lives of 23 million Soviet citizens, roughly half of them civilians. When the tide of the war finally turned, a torrent of Russian forces poured into Germany from the east, and their inexorable advance became an orgy of rape and murder. "They were certainly egged on by Ehrenburg and other Soviet propagandists..." writes journalist Giles McDonough:
East Prussia was the first German region visited by the Red Army ... In the course of a single night the red army killed seventy-two women and one man. Most of the women had been raped, of whom the oldest was eighty-four. Some of the victims had been crucified ... A witness who made it to the west talked of a poor village girl who was raped by an entire tank squadron from eight in the evening to nine in the morning. One man was shot and fed to the pigs.
Excerpted from Less Than Human by David Livingstone Smith. Copyright 2011 by the author and reprinted by permission of St. Martin's Press, LLC.





Wy we Demean, Enslave, and Exterminate Others

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Lecture 11 Hitler and World War Two The History Guide
Lecture 11 Hitler and World War Two The History Guide

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Why were Germans so cruel during World War 2?

I think part of the reason stems from a desire to avenge their defeat in World War I. They felt humiliated at having lost territories and wanted to prove to the world that they could recover them. Also, Germany was having a lot of problems due to the economic recession, which seemed to render their citizens more intolerant and willing to find a scapegoat. Please notice that in no way am I justifying their acts of cruelty. I am only providing some insight into the possible causes that may have led to or exacerbated the cruelty with which they treated those deemed as their enemy.

and....

The reason the German army was so good was that the army was never defeated in WWI so a lot of the experienced soldiers were still in the army or had been recalled to duty during WWII. Also there is the German military tradition. Historically, Germans serve in the military, they call it conscription. Every male at the age of 18 had to serve for 2 years. This allowed the army to have a ready reserve of trained members. Lastly they were the best trained and equiped in 1939 when the war started. By the time the war ended, they were fighting for their own lives and their homes, which was a huge incentive to fight harder.

EDIT - Aside from the strong Prussian military traditions (as cited above), Hitler had some of the best Generals/Strategists/Tacticians available to him at the start of the war (1939). Men like Von Manstein, Guderian, Dönitz, Raus, Heinrici, Rommel, Model etc. The Allied initially had mediocre generals (at best). It took several years and a string of humiliating defeats before the generals that we all know and love today would finally emerge - people like Zhukov (Soviet), Montgomery (UK) and Patton (US). Even then, the German High Command only considered one of them to be a serious threat (Montgomery was never taken that seriously, and they only started noticing Patton after D-Day in 1944). Indeed, some would even postulate that had these German generals been left in charge of running the war, Germany could have either won or at least, sue for peace and kept a large chunk of Europe. Instead, Hitler got into arguments with them and started firing them left and right. Things got so bad that the Allied leadership may have even decided NOT to assassinate Hitler as he was doing such great job of destroying Germany!





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Russia In World War 2

The great war plan, preparations, collapse, and recovery, a revised view

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The history of Russia in World War 2 is still being revised. In the first decades after World War 2, the historiography of Russia's part in the war in between 1939 and the end of 1941, was largely based on a combination of the strictly censored Russian state propaganda's version and of what was known outside Russia, which was then closed behind the "Iron Curtain" of the Cold War.
Eventually, two new factors provided new insights and new proofs which enable a revision that let us get much closer to the truth.
The first factor was the great and laborious work of a few open-minded 2nd generation independent researchers like Viktor Suvorov and Mark Solonin, which applied analytic approaches to the vast scope of publicly available Russian wartime and post-war documentation and literature, detected thousands of small details of information that slipped over the years through the Soviet censorship, and processed these into coherent new insights which dramatically changed our perception of what happened, both before the German invasion (Suvorov's work), and after it started (Solonin's work).
First and foremost of these researchers was Vladimir Rezun (known by his pen name Viktor Suvorov), a Russian military intelligence officer who applied his deep knowledge of intelligence gathering and analysis methods, and of Russian military doctrines, to Russia's World War 2 military literature, with dramatic results.
The second factor was the partial removal of the deep cover of censorship from Russian military and state archives for a period of just five years, between the collapse of the Communist Soviet Union in 1991 and the gradual recovery of conservative nationalism in the Russian government, marked, for example, by the rise to power of Vladimir Putin, a former KGB officer. This gap of five years of relative openness was used by historians to access previously closed archives and reach documents which provide previously unavailable proofs that further support the claims of Suvorov and the other researchers. Since the mid-1990s, 'mainstream' western historiography increasingly accepts both the main claims and the main supporting facts and evidence of the pioneering work of researchers like Suvorov, and the "history as we know it" of Russia in World War 2 is being re-written.
The 'old' historiography of Russia in 1939-1941 can be summarized to this:
·      In August 1939 Stalin's Communist Russia signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler's Nazi Germany in order to keep the aggressive Hitler away from Russia.
·      The two dictatorships' mighty armies then attacked and occupied Poland from West and East and divided it between them.
·      While Hitler occupied half of Europe from Norway to Greece, Russia occupied the Baltic states and parts of Finland and Romania.
·      To keep Hitler appeased all this time, Stalin's Russia provided Germany, as agreed, with large quantities of war materials and even operational support services to assist the German war effort.
·      On June 22, 1941, Germany, together with its allies (Finland, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Italy), invaded Russia in a gigantic surprise attack.
·      The mighty German military, the most efficient in the world then, applied its successful Blitzkrieg tactic, and the terrible unpreparedness and deployment in concentrations close to the border of the giant Russian army, helped the Germans to achieve tremendous and rapid victories that defeated the brave and fully equipped but surprised and unprepared Russians, forcing millions of encircled Russian soldiers to surrender.
·      Hitler's German military, exhausted and not equipped for the harsh Russian winter, was finally stopped just before Moscow.
·      Russia survived and recovered from its enormous losses, increased its strength while fighting fiercely, and eventually pushed the Germans all the way back to Berlin, emerging from the long and terrible war as a super-power, an equal only to the United States.
Most of this story is correct, but there are two major problems with this story that attracted the attention of the analytical researchers, and which I will discuss here:
1.   It appears as if in all the time of years months and weeks before the German invasion in June 1941, the Russian military and leadership were consistently irrational and made almost every possible mistake, not just in how and where the majority of the giant Russian forces were deployed, but even in terms of military planning, military procurement, and political decisions. This was simply too bad to be true and demanded a better explanation, which Suvorov provides.
2.   It appears as if once the fighting started, the quality advantage of the formidably efficient Germans over the poor Russian soldiers was so great, that it resulted in amazing, enormous, total and almost immediate German victories that dwarfed even their great victories in France a year earlier. The alleged tremendous rate of German success in destroying the giant Russian military in the first days and weeks of the invasion, was simply too high to be true, and demanded a better explanation, which Solonin provides.
The scope and details of each of these issues are vast, worthy of the full books that the researchers published. I apologize for the inevitable briefness in presenting them in the limited scope of an essay.

The most prepared for war - the great Soviet war plan

It is well known how the western allies prepared for the invasion of Normandy for over two years, how they considered every possible aspect of the enormous preparations, trained huge forces, some purposely trained for specific roles, invented new purpose-designed weapons and other equipment, and even conducted smaller scale invasions in order to find out early enough where they were wrong and fix it before the big operation.
Under Stalin's dictatorship, Russia's military, industrial, domestic, and diplomatic preparations for a second World War were of greater magnitude. Furthermore, in August 1939 Stalin was in a position in which he could prevent Hitler's invasion of Poland, the invasion that started World War 2, and he knew it well and said so. But at that decisive point in history, instead of preventing war, Stalin did the opposite. He cleared the way and provided guarantees for Hitler to invade, after he knew for sure that this will start a war not just in Poland but also in Western Europe, a war that the Communist ideology expected, planned and prepared for, and desired. Then, with Germany at war with Britain and France, Stalin's Russia moved to the 2nd phase of its long term preparations. Russia moved to a maximum effort war regime in which it enormously expanded its military force and military production rates, expanded its territory westwards, by force, which also gave it a long common border with Germany, and finally in 1941 began to mobilize millions and transferred its enormous attack-oriented forces to the German and Romanian borders, and prepared to enter the European war in a gigantic attack that would:
1.   Immediately cut Germany's main source of oil in Ploesti, in southern Romania, just about 120 miles from the Russian border, in order to paralyze Hitler's armed forces for lack of oil (as eventually happened in 1944).
2.   Defeat the exhausted Germany and its allies across the entire front from the Finland in the North to the Black Sea in the South - a mirror image of the German attack that eventually started in June 22, 1941.
3.   Continue with the Communist "liberation" of the entire Europe, by advancing all the way first to Germany, then to France, and Spain, bringing all of Europe under the brutal totalitarian regime which the Russian people already "enjoyed" then, that made Russia one big prison with countless prisons in it.
Hitler's Germany managed to be the first to attack, by a narrow gap of a few weeks at most (Suvorov's conclusion, based on various evidence, is that Russia's Red Army was going to attack on July 6, 1941, so Hitler got ahead of them by exactly two weeks). The German attack forced the Red Army put its operational plans aside. It returned to those plans and implemented them three years later, except that since by then the situation was different, Communism occupied only Eastern Europe, not all of it.
The plan to invade Germany and conquer all of Europe in the name of Communism's expansionist ideology, is likely the greatest secret of World War 2 that remains officially Top Secret. The Communist Empire kept that secret for five decades, preferring to appear peaceful and militarily incapable, even dumb, than to appear as the aggressive expansionist "Evil Empire" that it always was. And modern Russia, nationalist but no longer Communist, understandably might never officially admit that either, although key evidence slipped out of their control.
Some key details :
·      Expansionist Ideology - While Hitler's Nazi ideology publicly officially and repeatedly declared since the 1920s that its goal is nothing short of global domination by force, the Communist Soviet Union declared the goal of global conquest by force, but it started even earlier. The Soviet Red Army's official defining goal is the same. Not national defense but rather global conquest by aggressive global war to bring Communism to power everywhere.
·      Although they were natural enemies for centuries and fought each other so many times, including in the first World War, the Communist Russia made an allegedly irrational secret deal with post-WWI Germany in 1922, even before Hitler's era, in which in return for secretly providing nothing more than training grounds and facilities for the German military to keep its shape and further develop advanced military technology and tactics in total violation of the peace treaty imposed by the western countries, Russia in return got direct access to the best and latest tactics and military technologies of its most capable past and future enemy, the German military, which was indeed the most efficient and most technologically advanced military force in the world then. The mutual strategic interest of the two enemies created a secret deal that enabled a dramatic improvement of Russian military doctrines and technology, and supported a recovery of German military power after WWI, which was later turned against the western powers, as Communism predicted and wanted.
·      Since 1931, despite its bad economic situation, Russia increased its military industry potential to that of a super-power. Masked as public sports, it trained ten of millions of men in expensive state-paid military 'sports' like parachuting, gliding, flying, weapons training, and other 'sports'. Participation was initially voluntary, and then became mandatory. By 1935 Russia had 140,000 glider pilots, and in Dec. 1936 the government's youth newspaper called for training 150,000 aircraft pilots, all state-paid and of course quite expensive. By 1941 there were 121,000 'civilian sports'-trained pilots. The other pilots were of course trained, and then mass-trained, by the Russian Air Force. The number of flight schools in the Russian Air Force increased to 12 in 1937, to 18 in January 1940, to 28 in Sept. 1940, and to 41 in early 1941. Russia trained military and para-military pilots and paratroopers at an enormous cost and at an incredible rate which even dramatically increased in 1939 and then even further in 1940, far beyond any reasonable defensive need. In 1941 the Russians had a million trained military paratroopers, a fantastic number, suitable only for a gigantic war of aggression, not for defending Russia as plain infantry. Tens of millions were 'just' trained in the cheaper 'sport' of weapons training. By June 1941, after more than doubling the manpower of the regular military, Russia had an additional reserve military force of 29 million already trained soldiers.
·      In August 1939, Stalin had secret negotiations with Germany and, seperately, with Britain and France. On one hand, Hitler told Stalin he was going to attack Poland and needed to know whether Russia will allow it (or even participate) or will it fight against it. On the other hand, Britain and France assured Stalin that if Hitler will invade their ally Poland they will declare war against Hitler. Knowing that, and knowing that Hitler did not believe in Britain's and France's resolution to defend Poland, Stalin gladly promised his support to Hitler. It is true that due to the 'weakness' of the French and British proposals, Russia had strong reasons to choose to make the deal with Hitler as it did, but historians now have the proof that Russia made the deal with Hitler with explicit intention and knowledge that this will start a European war that will first exhaust Germany France and Britain and then the fully prepared Russia will attack Germany and will occupy all of Europe. Stalin clearly explained all that to his government in a meeting on Aug. 19, 1939, in which he told them exactly why Russia is going to sign (four days later) the deal with Hitler's Germany, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, that cleared the way for Hitler to start World War 2.
·      Between August 1939 and June 1941, when Germany was at war in the West, Russia devoted all its resources to prepare for war with Germany. In that period the regular Russian army expanded from 2,000,000 soldiers to 5,500,000 soldiers, and many millions more were given military training in order to be called as ready reserves once the war starts. In fact, between Aug. 1939 and June 1941, the Russian army expanded and moved towards the western border from remote inland regions at such rate that the German intelligence simply could not keep track of it, and was therefore terribly wrong in its estimates of the size of the Russian force it was about to attack.
·      The Russian military industry, that was already enormous, switched, in January 1939!, to an extreme wartime regime, and produced vast quantities of tanks, aircraft, and particularly vast stockpiles of ammunition, so much that there was a separate government minister for ammunition production beside the minister of military industry. Work hours increased. In June 1940 the entire country switched to seven days of work per week, then work hours increased too, initially to 10 hours per day, then to 12 hours per day, and since mid 1940 the penalty for any failure to provide the requested quotas or product quality, or even just being late for work, was years in prison. This wartime work regime was so extreme that later, even in the worst days of the war, there was no need to add to it, since Russia was already making its maximum war effort since before Hitler invaded. The Russian army's General Staff also worked since 1940 around the clock, preparing for war like mad, although Russia was still allegedly with excellent relations with Germany. Since Feb. 1941, under Zhukov, the Russian army General Staff and units' staffs worked 15 to 17 hours per day, seven days per week, preparing for war.
·      The military production and mobilization effort in Russia since January 1939 was so extreme that it could not be sustained for a long time. It was a major countdown for a planned war, exactly as designed by the Russian military doctrine, which defined not only wartime tactics but also put equal emphasis on detailing the optimal path to an optimal planned war - a full scale mobilization of the nation and the industry, to be followed by a gigantic surprise attack and the occupation of the enemy countries.
·      All resources were put into mobile aggressive military measures and units (tanks, a million paratroopers !!, tactical attack aircraft, etc), not into defensive or 'static' measures ( land mines, fortifications, anti-aircraft units, long range bombers etc.). The entire doctrine of the Russian armed forces was aggressive. Defensive tactics were not taught at all and were considered defeatist in an army that by definition was intended to conquer all other countries.
·      Millions of maps of Germany and Romania were distributed in the Russian army. Maps of Russia were few.
·      Hitler always intended to invade Russia and declared it, but the war against Britain forced him to delay that, but when Stalin annexed the eastern part of Romania by ultimatum, and got his army to a distance of just 120 miles from his source of oil in Ploesti, Romania, that's when Hitler realized how dangerous his position was, and that he had to move fast, so although this meant war in two fronts (Britain in the West and Russia in the East), a thing that Germany always wanted to avoid, he ordered his army to prepare to invade Russia as soon as possible, "in the first clear days of May 1941". Unexpected complication in the Balkans eventually postponed the German attack until June 22nd, 1941.
·      In June 1941, shortly before the German invasion, Russia removed border fences and other obstacles along its western border, to enable rapid border crossing - of the the Russian army moving West, not in order to help the enemy cross into Russia. The entire NKVD border guards force evacuated the border and moved inland, replaced in their positions by regular army units.
·      The majority of the Russian army and Air Force and enormous stockpiles of ammunition were concentrated along the border, not inland. Furthermore, the enormous piles of ammunition were plainly deployed in the fields and near the border region's train stations, exposed to the weather, not in weather-proof depots and bunkers, so they could not survive the autumn rains and the winter. This in itself has only one meaning, that Russia was going to invade Germany in the summer of 1941.
This enormous amount of ammunition was placed very close to its consumers, the artillery, armor, and infantry units, and was going to be consumed soon, in the planned Russian attack. Russia even placed many new large ammunition factories, built in 1939-1941, close to the border, not inland, where their output could be quickly shipped to the border, but where they were also very vulnerable in case of an invasion into Russia.
·      The most significant concentrations were in Poland and along the Romanian border in the South. Along the southern end of the Romanian border, near the Black Sea, and near Ploesti, were very large concentrations of mountain infantry, Marines, amphibious units, paratroops, bombers, which were far more useful to attack Romania's mountains, and oil fields, than to defend the Russian flat terrain behind them. For defensive purposes, the entire Russian military array at the southern end of the border was simply irrational, and very vulnerable to attack, but it was perfect for attacking Romania and cutting off Hitler's oil supply as fast as possible.
·      The only doctrine in the Soviet military was that of a full scale surprise attack that comes after a hidden mobilization, and followed by deeper attacks into enemy territory. Nothing else was taught in Russian military academies.
·      The modern Russian military historiography is full of evidence that the Russian army was preparing since 1940 for a planned aggressive war against Germany.
·      The Russian Air Force always used long range heavy bombers. In August 1939 Stalin ordered to abandon further procurement and development of heavy bombers and shift all resources to tactical ground attack aircraft, which are more suitable for an aggressive war, in which the plan is to conquer vast enemy territories in a fast war, not destroy its cities with bombers in a long war of attrition. This is exactly like what happened in the German Air Force, for the same reasons. Britain and the US developed long range bombers - but they did not intend to conquer enemy countries. Germany, and Russia, did. Also, the date of Stalin's decision, and other similar military procurement and mobilization decisions, matches that of his his main decision to star a war to conquer Germany and the rest of Europe, the decision in Aug. 19, 1939 that opened the door for Hitler to invade Poland and conveniently start that war for Stalin.
·      In June 1941, behind the Soviet armies on the border, in addition to the military police units that were supposed to block deserters there were also three full mobile armies of the NKVD, the Russian secret police, and of Communist party officials. Their role was to take full political control of the occupied countries and eliminate all resistance. Blocking deserters is useful for defense too, but such an enormous political-police force is useful only for a planned war of occupation.
To summarize, driven by its expansionist Communist ideology, Russia (then the U.S.S.R, or Soviet Union) planned and prepared in every possible military and civilian aspect, and at an enormous scale and cost, to an aggressive war of invasion and occupation, and NOT to a war of defense. While Hitler's aggression was genuinely his own, Russia cynically used it with the intention that while Germany and the western powers will exhaust each other at war, which they did, Russia will maximize and complete its enormous preparations for war, and will in the summer of 1941 perform a gigantic surprise attack that will first cut Hitler's Romanian oil supply, then defeat Germany, and then continue to complete the occupation of all of Europe, all the way to Spain. This was the largest, longest, and deepest pre-war effort ever in history, but it was knocked out of course (yet partially implemented later, in 1944, resulting in the occupation of 'just' half of Europe) because of a combination of three factors:
1.   In mid 1940, following the Russian ultimatum to Romania, Germany's ally and only source of oil, Hitler realized how urgent it became for him to strike Russia ( which he always intended to do ) as soon as possible and regardless of his unfinished war with Britain and lack of readiness for the Russian winter. In July 1940 the German military was ordered to prepare to invade Russia as soon as the weather will permit in May 1941.
2.   Stalin was repeatedly warned by his intelligence services, military advisors, and by Britain, that the Germans are also preparing a giant surprise attack against Russia, and was advised by Zhukov and the General Staff to start the planned Russian surprise attack earlier, in May 1941, instead of waiting to complete ALL the preparations, but Stalin, relying mostly on the verified fact that the German military was not ready for Russian winter conditions, dismissed the warnings and preferred to wait just a little more t complete the preparations for the Russian surprise attack, but that was a little too late, and Hitler struck first, not prepared for winter, but still at enormous power, with the world's most effective army then.
3.   The human factor of morale. When the Germans invaded, instead of fiercely fighting back, the mighty Soviet military machine collapsed and disintegrated at an incredible rate.

The missing part of the Red Army's collapse

It is obvious that suffering a surprise attack by millions of soldiers of the world's best army is shocking, and can result in a military collapse, in high rate of casualties, in organized and unorganized retreats, in surrenders of entire encircled units, etc. Also, the German Blitzkrieg tactic was designed to achieve mass encirclements that will result in mass surrenders of encircled enemy units. The fact that the majority of the Russian ground and air forces, even some naval bases, were deployed close to the border, deployed in the fields and forests in pre-attack concentrations instead of being dug-in, or fortified, or deployed in deep arrays of multiple lines of defense, and further the fact that very large forces and equipment were still on the railways to the front when the Germans attacked, so that they or at least their vehicles were still stuck on trains, all that can further explain the tremendous losses and chaos that the Russians suffered in the first hours, days, weeks, of the German invasion.
But what Russian historiography censored for decades, is the large scale of total morale collapse of Soviet armed forces and Communist party establishments which escaped, 'disappeared', or surrendered before they even were engaged in battle. Millions, from privates to Generals, individually or as entire units, abandoned their tanks, guns, air bases, without battle, and escaped on vehicles or on foot, or simply disappeared into the nearby villages and forests.
Fighting and then losing is one thing. Massive and rapid escape without a fight and massive voluntary surrender, are another, and Soviet censorship tried to hide that, by further intensifying the myth of the destructiveness of the German attack, and by further intensifying the belief that the entire red army was right on the border. There are reports of entire unit staffs which escaped without battle and were found again hundreds of kilometers to the East. There were tens of Generals who disappeared and were never located again. There are reports of tank divisions which, although they were not right on the border and were not engaged in fighting in the first day, miraculously 'lost' 100% of their tanks and other fighting equipment in the second day of fighting, without actually being engaged in battle, and then escaped hundreds of kilometers eastwards almost without losing a single truck even to technical malfunction. There are reports of entire Air Force regiments which reported that they suffered negligible or no losses in the air or on the ground at the first day, and then simply abandoned their air bases and escaped by trucks and on foot. In 1941 Russia lost millions of soldiers. Only 32% of the reported losses were the dead and wounded. Millions surrendered, many of them as fast as they could, and so many others escaped from the front, either disappeared or remained in service, but only after a distant escape and after abandoning every weapon or equipment, even rifles and light mortars, that could force them to stay and fight.
The apparent reasons for this mass unwillingness to fight were:
·      A further intensified mental shock of those who were always trained educated and taught others that attack and victory are the only possible option, and suddenly found themselves under massive surprise attack for which they never planned or prepared.
·      Stalin, the murderous dictator, was surrounded with people who told him much too often what he wanted to hear about Russia's preparations for war. The enormous reported numbers of material production and manpower training were perhaps correct. For example the figures of vast mass-training of pilots (which, by the way, were NOT volunteers, unlike pilots anywhere else in the world), and received minimal training, in order to keep up with the enormous training quotas dictated by Stalin.
But what Stalin never suspected, was the possibility that in his regime of mass terror and fear, where so many millions were imprisoned and millions others killed by the police, and where tens of millions starved for years in order to pay for the enormous cost of the vast effort to convert Russia with a period of just two decades from a mostly agricultural country to an industrial militarist super-power with gigantic military power. Stalin never suspected that under a massive attack on his brutal regime, the people, the millions of soldiers who previously suffered from the regime, millions were former political prisoners of which many were recruited from hard labor prisons directly to war front military service, will favor surrender to defending their homeland, or will have no willingness to fight immediately as they realized that since they're country is being massively attacked there's a good chance that they can escape from the war without being punished by the formidable regime. Given the possibility that for the first time in their life non-cooperation with the Communist regime will NOT be severely punished, so many favored that option, and that's something the Russian censorship could never admit.
So while in all material aspects Russia was enormously prepared for war, and could therefore theoretically manage much better than it did, even under a massive surprise attack, in morale terms, the Russian people in the front (which rapidly moved East all across the long front), were generally unwilling to fight for their terrible terror regime once fear of it was lost since the regime itself was being attacked and in danger.

The Russian people starts fighting seriously

"One of the great laws of war is Never invade Russia" - Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery
"History knows no greater display of courage than that shown by the people of the Soviet Union" - Secretary of War Henry Stimson
There were heroic exceptions of very persistent and fanatic Russian fighting of course, right from the very first moments of the German surprise attack. For centuries, Russian soldiers and civilians were known for their toughness, their ability to persist in terrible conditions. That's part of Russian culture, regardless of whether it's a result of having to survive Russia's cruel weather, as some suggest, or not.
The Russian border fortress in Brest, Poland, for example, with 4000 Russian soldiers, was massively attacked and encircled immediately when the Germans invaded. Despite being besieged, outnumbered 10:1, running out of food, water, ammunition, the Russian defenders fought fiercely for five weeks, while the war front moved hundreds of kilometers behind them, and later resistance of a few survivors continued underground for months. For the Germans, Brest was a very bitter first taste of the type of fierce Russian fighting they would later experience in Stalingrad and elsewhere.
In the city of Smolensk, on the main road to Moscow, the advancing Germans encircled in the 3rd week of fighting a large Russian force, but unlike other encirclements, this force did not surrender. It kept fighting fiercely, counter attacked the Germans, and eventually succeeded in braking out of the encirclement in order to continue fighting. Similar persistent fighting took place in Odessa, Murmansk, and elsewhere, and especially in Leningrad, which remained besieged, terribly starved, and shelled since the 3rd month of the war, and kept fighting for over two years until the horrible siege was finally removed by the advancing Russian army.
What eventually changed the attitude of the millions of Russian soldiers and made such persistent fierce fighting the norm of the Russian army everywhere, was the gradual realization that they were under an attack of unprecedented deliberate cruelty that intended to literally decimate and destroy the Russian people, as Hitler ordered his army and S.S, according to the Nazi ideology of a war of racial destruction of the German "masters race" against the Russians in the occupied territories which were treated, both civilians and captured prisoners of war, with terrible cruelty that intended to make them all die of cold and starvation. Vast numbers of Russian prisoners of war died of starvation and of exposure to the harsh weather, and so were countless civilians in the captured villages who were either mass murdered or simply stripped of their winter clothing and left to die of exposure in the snow. With time, a stream of surviving starved refugees, both civilians and escaping prisoners of war, were able to escape back to Russian held territory and tell their terrible stories of the German treatment of the population and of captured soldiers. Many did not have to say a word, it was enough to see how starved they were. Russian media and military propaganda published their stories and pictures, and many were moved from one army unit to another, to be shown and heard. This, more than anything else, ignited what the Russians still call "The Great Patriotic War". The Russians everywhere realized that even compared to the cruelty of Stalin's terror regime, the alternative of Nazi occupation was far worse, and that they are literally fighting to avoid extinction by the Nazis. Initially heroic and fanatic Russian fighting was the exception, then it intensified when the Russians were literally fighting for home and family, in the battle of Moscow, and later, as the horrible realization of the monster they're facing became known to them, the Russians fought the toughest war in their tough history, with key examples Stalingrad, Kursk, and so many other places in their giant country. That way, although Russia lost about 85% of the enormous military production potential is prepared for the invasion of Europe, although it lost before the end of 1941 a military force that was more than double the size the that German intelligence originally estimated as the entire Russian force, Russia survived, recovered its military production far beyond German reach, recruited new millions of new soldiers instead of those lost, and fought a lengthy and costly war of survival, and revenge, that destroyed Nazi Germany, and Russia, despite its enormous losses, ended World War 2 as a super-power.
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World War 2 Insightful Essays

Welcome. This website aims to enhance insight of interesting and exciting World War 2 topics. Instead of over-detailed or too technical essays, its focus is presenting and explaining why and how things happened the way they did in World War 2, with a better perspective of when they happened during that war. I think it's more useful and interesting to learn about World War 2 that way.
This website is a collection of independent essays, so although it will take me a long time to "fully" cover that war, the available essays already provide substantial content. I'm adding essays as my time and muse permits.
Enjoy reading...
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Strategy

The "Big picture" perspective of the strategy and war effort of the warring nations in World War 2.
·      Causes of World War 2 - the root causes of World War 2.
·      The biggest mistakes - the alternative decisions which could dramatically change the course of the war.
·      When did Hitler lose the war - an attempt to mark the time when Adolf Hitler lost the chance to win World War 2.
·      The turning points of World War 2 - a list of the great strategic turning points of the war.
·      Russia in World War 2 - the great war plan, preparations, collapse, and recovery - a revised view.
·      Timeline - the main events timeline, before and during the war.

Battles and operations

The dramatic battles and operations, from vast campaigns to small but important raids, in land, at sea, and in the air, that decided the outcome of World War 2.
·      Kursk - the greatest tank battle of the war, and the last major German offensive in the East.
·      Stalingrad - the German army's greatest defeat, and a major turning point of the war.
·      Midway - in this battle of aircraft carriers, Japan lost the initiative in the Pacific.
·      Blitzkrieg - the German tactic of rapidly advancing tank forces and massive air support.
·      Doolittle's raid - America's first air raid over Japan, that hit Tokyo in total surprise.

Weapons

From the ancient spear, to today's GPS-guided bomb, many wars saw the appearance of new weapons based on amazing technologies, but none saw such a dramatic and diverse flow of exciting new scientific developments and new weapons as World War 2. During six years of war, the most scientifically advanced nations recruited the best minds and enormous resources to an unprecedented arms race.
·      German secret weapons - Germany's advanced "wonder weapons".
Land weapons:
·      Infantry weapons - rifles, sub machine guns, pistols, and other weapons.
·      T-34 - simply the best main battle tank of World War 2.
·      M4 Sherman - the main American tank. It won by numbers.
·      German tanks - Panzers, the German tanks which stormed Europe.
·      Tiger - the most formidable German tank. Lethal, heavy, and almost indestructible.
Airplanes and air weapons:
·      The Manhattan Project - the making of the atomic bomb.
·      Kamikaze pilots - suicide warfare in World War 2, and its military and cultural rationale.
·      Messerschmitt Me-262 - the world's first operational jet fighter.
·      RADAR - the technology which revolutionized air and naval warfare.
·      Bombers - the strategic weapons that struck at the enemy's heart.
·      De Havilland Mosquito - the most versatile and successful allied aircraft.
·      P-51 Mustang - the American long range fighter which defeated the Luftwaffe over Germany.
·      Stuka dive bomber - the airborne element of the German Blitzkrieg weapons.
·      Fallschirmjager - the German paratroopers and their combat operations.
Ships and naval weapons:
·      Submarines - they almost defeated Britain, and paralyzed Japan. Also about frogmen and human torpedoes.
·      PT boats, Torpedo boats - The fast night raiders of the sea.

Leaders, Generals, Heroes

Despite the mobilization of millions, individual people greatly affected the course and outcome of wars. National leaders, Generals and Admirals, aces and heroes, and brilliant scientists.
·      Leaders - a complete list of the national leaders of the countries which participated in World War 2 .
·      German Field Marshals - a chronological review of the German field marshals of World War 2.
·      Adolf Hitler - It was his war. He wanted it, and he started it. The ultimate aggressor, and the ultimate evil.
·      Hermann Goering - Adolf Hitler's brutal and greedy deputy, and head of the Luftwaffe.
·      Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto - Japan's best Admiral, who planned the attack on Pearl Harbor.
·      Otto Skorzeny - Germany's commando leader, nicknamed "The most dangerous man in Europe".
·      Erich Hartmann - a young German fighter pilot who became the highest scoring ace in history, with 352 victories.
·      Hans Joachim Marseille - the most amazing fighter pilot of World War 2 .
·      Knights Cross - the medal awarded to Germany's greater heroes and commanders, and its recipients.
·      Quotes - a few selected wartime quotes which are still very meaningful today.

Intelligence

In World War 2, military intelligence dramatically advanced. The use of new scientific methods and technologies, as well as great human efforts involving endless work, great risks, and brilliant thinking, made intelligence become an equally important part of the armed forces, a crucial element for victory.
·      Enigma - the German military cipher machine, and the allied efforts to break its code.
·      Luftwaffe bomber wing KG 200 - this top secret unit flew the most special missions with the most special aircraft.
·      Navajo code talkers - American-Indian Marines who used their complex native language to form an unbreakable code.

Military Theory

How to fight? How to win? - the following essays answer these questions, and provide many concrete examples from World War 2.
·      The principles of war - the timeless rules of thumb for fighting, strategy, and tactics.
·      The mechanisms of defeat - the various material and psychological ways to achieve victory.






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... Politics & Society > History > War and Military History > World War 2 > Why was the Russian front so feared by Germans ... Germans fought with cruelty ... World ...


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Impact on societies of the First World War And yet the ‘German Atrocities’ ... Atrocities’ contributed to the image of the war as a crusade against cruelty, ...


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-even though we ain't got money -i'm so in love with ya honey
1994- Anne Murray- DANNY'S SONG




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