ED COLEMAN: Bob Palmeter's Blossom Time China
VALLEY SPRINGTIME BEAUTY- China to honour Apple Blossom Festival - Annapolis Valley Nova Scotia
One of the earliest advertisements in which Bob Palmeter featured his Blossom
If you stop at the T-junction where Scott Drive
meets Middle Dyke Road, north of Kentville, and look southeast, you can see
remnants of the famous Hillcrest Orchards, which at one time were renowned
across Canada.
Arthur W. H. Eaton salutes these orchards in his
history of Kings County (page 196), noting the fruit grown there, "apples,
pears, plums quinces and cherries are known to fruit raisers all over the
continent." Eaton mentions the orchards again on page 203, referring to
Ralph Samuel Eaton and his "famous Cornwallis (township) 'Hillcrest
Orchards' not far from the county town (of Kentville)."
One of my friends, Jerry Bishop of Coldbrook, is
an avid collector of coins and postcards. One of the most remarkable and rare
postcards in his collection has a beautiful, colour photograph of an orchard in
full bloom. This photograph will be recognized by anyone familiar with the
orchard pictured on Royal Albert Blossom Time China.
In other words, the orchard on the postcard and
the orchard captured on Blossom Time China are one and the same: the famed
Hillcrest Orchards of Ralph Samuel Eaton. The year the postcard was printed and
released isn't certain, but it's generally believed that it was circa 1933 or
1934 that Blossom Time China came into existence. Since then, the china has
been hailed as the most prized and enduring Apple Blossom Festival keepsake ever.
In 1933, with two successful summer festivals
under their collective belts, the Kentville Board of Trade was firming up plans
for another event, the first Apple Blossom Festival. On the organizing
committee was Kentville jeweller Robert Palmeter. Festival lore has it that
Palmeter made a motion at a Board of Trade meeting to hold a festival with an
apple blossom theme. Whether this is true or not, it's a fact that around this
time Palmeter submitted a design to Royal Albert China of England that resulted
in the manufacture of Blossom Time China.
It was likely 1934 before Blossom Time China was
available in retail stores, but that's only my guess; some sources say the
china was available in 1933. Whatever the year, the pattern was popular for
decades and was sold worldwide. Eric Lockhart, of R. D. Chisholm Ltd. in
Kentville, tells me his store sold the china almost from the day it was first
available until it was discontinued in 1991.
"It was a good seller," Lockhart said,
even though Royal Albert kept jacking the price up, year after year.
Since its "retirement," Blossom Time
China has become a hot collectible. It's rather pricey today, however, compared
to what it sold for when it first came out. At a giant "yard sale"
this spring at the Kentville arena, for example, the asking price for a Blossom
time cup and saucer was $45. In 1936, Robert Palmeter offered the cup and
saucer at his Kentville jewellery store for a mere 90 cents!
It may interest readers that Palmeter's Blossom
Time isn't the only china with an apple blossom theme. There are at least two
more with apple blossom themes, but these haven't been as popular as Palmeter's
design. Readers may also be interested in knowing that Palmeter designed
another china pattern. In 1953, he submitted a design for a "new, original
and ornamental design for a cup or similar article" to the United States
Patent Office. Palmeter called this china Evangeline's Acadian Gardens. The
pattern application was approved and Palmeter later advertised the china in his
Kentville shop.
As for the photograph of Hillcrest Orchards used
in the design of Blossom Time China, I always wondered if it had been taken by
A. L. Hardy. Photography expert Larry Keddy says it's a possibility.
"Hardy was the only professional
photographer in this area at the time that was capable of doing that kind of
work," Keddy says.
http://www.novanewsnow.com/opinion/columnists/2012/5/29/ed-coleman-bob-palmeter-s-blossom-time-2991106.html
--------------------------------
This was
the kind of music as teens we also loved- it's the #Celtic and #Gaelic in us :)
Catherine McKinnon (Fairwell to) #NovaScotia Song
#AppleBlossomCommittee...#NovaScotia
#Kentville just a little history for you ... to help understand why #TownOfKentville
has hosted the parade for over 83 years..... #KentvilleAgricultureCentre 100
years strong 1911 and
100 years
of innovation In agriculture’s new fields, Kentville’s research is still
bearing fruit –
-------------------
Apple Blossom Time in the Annapolis Valley 1880-1957
journals.lib.unb.ca/index.php/Acadiensis/article/download/11525/12275
area by sea, the Annapolis Valley was one of the first
areas in Canada to pro- ... 15-40; R.W. Starr, "A History
of Fruit Growing in Kings County", Nova Scotia Fruit ... funded
Experimental Farm located in Kentville to assist them in improving the
.... good fortunes by inaugurating the annual Apple Blossom Festival,
a document...
http://journals.lib.unb.ca/index.php/Acadiensis/article/download/11525/12275
---------------------------
Articles-
“A highly favoured people”: The Planter Narrative and the 1928 Grand Historic Pageant of Kentville, Nova Scotia
Alison Norman
University of Toronto
The 1928 historic pageant in Kentville, Nova Scotia, offers a fascinating example of the crucial role that a community’s narrative self-conception plays in the construction of its history. As a tale of the Planter’s presence in the Annapolis Valley, the pageant was both celebratory and exclusionary. The community elite created a story about the providential arrival of the Planters beginning in 1760 that served to minimize the Planter impact on both the Acadians and Mi’kmaq while emphasizing the progress of the Planter descendants in the modern town. Directed by a woman, the pageant was also a gendered narrative in which the expanding role of women in public life was highlighted.
Le spectacle historique présenté en 1928 à Kentville, en Nouvelle-Écosse, fournit un exemple fascinant du rôle crucial que la façon dont une communauté se perçoit et se raconte joue dans la construction de son histoire. Le spectacle historique, qui racontait l’origine de la présence des colons de la Nouvelle-Angleterre dans la vallée de l’Annapolis, avait une fonction de célébration et d’exclusion. L’élite communautaire inventa une histoire au sujet de l’arrivée providentielle des colons de la Nouvelle-Angleterre à compter de 1760, histoire qui avait pour effet de minimiser l’impact de ces colons sur les Acadiens et les Mi’kmaq, tout en faisant ressortir les progrès accomplis par leurs descendants dans la ville moderne. Le spectacle, dirigé par une femme, réservait aussi un traitement différencié aux femmes en mettant en lumière le rôle grandissant de celles-ci dans la vie publique.
1 ON THE AFTERNOON OF
AUGUST 14th 1928, 30 men and women, all descendants of Kings County Planters,
sailed down the Cornwallis River in an open boat and landed at Town Plot in
Kentville. In a re-enactment of the 1760 arrival of their New England Planter
ancestors, the descendents – dressed in Planter costumes brought in from Boston
– disembarked just below the Kentville iron bridge and posed for photographs
“with the beautiful scenery of the Cornwallis Valley as a background,” and
several of these photographs were subsequently featured on the front pages of The
Halifax Chronicle and The Advertiser under the title “Not as Old
as They Look.”1 The re-enactors proceeded to
the head of a mile-long parade where “they were one of the chief attractions.”
The landing of the Planter descendants and the parade through Kentville began
the three-day Summer Carnival and Old Home Week, of which the “Grand Historic
Pageant” was the feature attraction.2University of Toronto
The 1928 historic pageant in Kentville, Nova Scotia, offers a fascinating example of the crucial role that a community’s narrative self-conception plays in the construction of its history. As a tale of the Planter’s presence in the Annapolis Valley, the pageant was both celebratory and exclusionary. The community elite created a story about the providential arrival of the Planters beginning in 1760 that served to minimize the Planter impact on both the Acadians and Mi’kmaq while emphasizing the progress of the Planter descendants in the modern town. Directed by a woman, the pageant was also a gendered narrative in which the expanding role of women in public life was highlighted.
Le spectacle historique présenté en 1928 à Kentville, en Nouvelle-Écosse, fournit un exemple fascinant du rôle crucial que la façon dont une communauté se perçoit et se raconte joue dans la construction de son histoire. Le spectacle historique, qui racontait l’origine de la présence des colons de la Nouvelle-Angleterre dans la vallée de l’Annapolis, avait une fonction de célébration et d’exclusion. L’élite communautaire inventa une histoire au sujet de l’arrivée providentielle des colons de la Nouvelle-Angleterre à compter de 1760, histoire qui avait pour effet de minimiser l’impact de ces colons sur les Acadiens et les Mi’kmaq, tout en faisant ressortir les progrès accomplis par leurs descendants dans la ville moderne. Le spectacle, dirigé par une femme, réservait aussi un traitement différencié aux femmes en mettant en lumière le rôle grandissant de celles-ci dans la vie publique.
2 The pageant served as the perfect occasion to celebrate and enforce a particular version of the Planter narrative, a story constructed by the Kentville elite to boost the town’s image, attract tourists and business, and to seduce former residents to move back home. The planners of the pageant included local politicians and historians, Planter descendants, and business people (especially from the railway and apple industries). Kentville had “a good share,” stated Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton in the 1910, original edition of his The History of Kings County, of “intelligent, well-bred men and women of more or less education as the case might be, but of refined instincts and cultivated tastes” who were involved in the pageant.3 The planners narrated a story of the Planters’ providential arrival in 1760 and later successes in the Annapolis Valley, but the impact of their settlement on both the Mi’kmaq and the Acadians was minimized if not ignored. The pageant also overlooked other major events, including the arrival of the Loyalists, Nova Scotia’s entry into Confederation, and Nova Scotia’s role in the British Empire.
3 The narrative presented in 1928 thus contained a particular version of progress and development in the Annapolis Valley that commemorated certain events and completely omitted others. But it was not an antimodern narrative like many other pageants and commemorations of the time. The narrative’s primary aim was to foster the Planter identity of a hardworking, sober, industrious, chosen people. The Planter identity was neither British, American, nor Canadian, but rather that of a particular group with a shared history of migration.4 And while identities are never stable, to a great extent events like the pageant are often used to construct a community’s identity. The establishment of a foundational narrative that traced progress from past to present served to foster community identity as well as pride in the Planter roots of King’s County. As Lieutenant-Governor J.C. Tory stated in the carnival’s opening address to the people of Kentville: “You of Kings County are a highly favoured people. You have a great heritage, rich in mythological lore and historic incident, and in educational and social opportunity. . . . Kings County, however, is not Nova Scotia, nor Canada, nor the British Empire, but it can be a splendid part of all these.”5 Kentville newspaper reporter H.W. Porter then summarized Tory’s conclusion: “It is well to have the larger vision for it brings unity, and from unity comes power and liberty and national and imperial greatness.”6 Tory’s comments, however, came before the pageant had occurred. Although it was full of “mythological lore and historic incident,” the pageant’s organizers were not particularly interested in the “larger vision” of Canada or the British Empire. The story they told was a local one. Through an examination of this historical pageant during the 1928 Summer Carnival in Kentville, this article explores how the community elite created a narrative based on local Planter history that was celebratory of the past and exclusionary while also being especially modern in its outlook (unlike other Nova Scotia commemorations of the time). This narrative was a gendered story in which women acted as allegorical and iconic figures. The selection of some of the female actors suggests that pageant director Daisy Foster saw women’s expanding roles in public life as part of Kentville’s modern future. The progress depicted in the pageant was also part of a civic tourism campaign through which those who had left the Valley, or whose ancestors had left years ago, might be drawn back “home” to join the continuing growth of the modern, progressive town.
4 The study of historical memory and commemoration is a relatively new but rapidly growing field in Canadian history. Pageants, parades, royal tours, radio addresses, and heroes and heroines have been widely studied as historical acts of the invention of tradition and identity that occurred across the country.7 In Atlantic Canada, early work by Ian McKay set the stage for the interrogation of public memory of the region.8 In his 1994 book, The Quest of the Folk, McKay argues that the folk culture that was preserved by the likes of Helen Creighton and Mary Black, packaged and sold by the tourist industry and state bureaucrats, and purchased by tourists, was an invented tradition.9 More recent work also investigates how civic leaders in towns and cities across the country have used particular versions of history to draw tourists to their towns.10 Cecilia Morgan and Colin Coates suggest that a common theme found in the study of historical memory in Canada is “the anxious, integrative desire to create a common sense of destiny in the various sections of a disparate country.”11 And the study of pageantry can also been seen as a useful way to learn more about how communities in the past have constructed historical narratives for themselves.
5 Pageantry became popular in the early-20th century when the Englishman Louis Napoleon Parker staged several pageants celebrating the medieval origins of small English communities beginning in 1905. Parker’s pageants were explicitly antimodern and were intended to counter modernization, which he said “destroys all loveliness and has no loveliness of its own to put in its place.”12 Pageants soon became popular in the United States, where they were used as a form of local boosterism, popular entertainment, and also for patriotic moralizing. Pageants on a large scale first arrived in 20th-century Canada with the Quebec tercentenary celebrations in 1908.13 In both the United States and Canada, pageants were used by communities, and particularly community elites, to reinforce power relations by emphasizing the hierarchies that existed within the society. One use of history that was unique to pageantry in the early-20th century was the propagation of “the belief that history could be made into a dramatic public ritual through which residents of a town, by acting out the right version of their past, could bring about some kind of future social and political transformation.”14 The Kentville pageant of 1928 is a good example of this agenda as the pageant planners wished to build on past successes to help improve the future prospects of the community.
6 During the 1920s Kentville was experiencing some of the same economic problems as the rest of the province (although to a lesser extent). While the provincial economy had been given a boost during the First World War by the increased demand for steel, lumber, and iron, the recession that followed lasted longer in the Maritimes than it did in the rest of the country. Out-migration was one result, especially to the New England states as well as central and western Canada. Maritime Rights, a regional protest movement, began in 1922 in response to the region’s declining influence as well as the inability of regional leaders to protect Maritime interests in terms of federal subsidies, port development, transportation, and tariffs.15 The Annapolis Valley, however, was somewhat protected from the recession by the apple industry, which experienced peak production in the 1920s and 1930s. McKay suggests that antimodernism was another prevalent phenomenon during this period, as “it transformed representations of the provincial identity” so that the region was promoted as a destination where one could get away from the stresses of modern life. He adds that “a loose network of cultural producers in Nova Scotia created their own distinctive variant of antimodernism,” and that the tourism economy was perhaps where this was most evident.16
7 The 1928 pageant got its start two years earlier, in 1926, when Mr. John Freeman Masters of Boston came up with the idea of a three-day summer carnival to celebrate the town’s centennial that would be held during the first-ever Old Home Week.17 Masters was originally from Kentville and was descended from a Massachusetts family who arrived in Nova Scotia in 1760.18 At the time, he was a manager of the Dominion Atlantic Railway Steamship Company in Boston and the president of both the Canadian Club and the British Charitable Society in Boston. Master’s enthusiasm and efforts to help organize the event resulted in a summer carnival that included a parade, a field day and sports at Memorial Park, an Old Time Fiddler’s Contest, a farmer’s picnic at the Experimental Farm, a golf tournament, horse races at Camp Aldershot, a band contest, and a street dance and carnival. Former residents were encouraged to come back to visit their home town during Old Home Week, and attendance was high as “many thousands of visitors enjoyed one or more days [in the area] and the housing accommodation within the town was taxed to capacity.”19 The keys to the town of Kentville were presented to the official representative of the governor of Massachusetts, the president of the Women’s Auxiliary of the Canadian Club of Boston, and to Masters.20 The event was considered, according to a press report, a success “beyond the hopes of the most sanguine members of the Carnival Committee.” This report in The Advertiser concluded that “the people of Kentville and Kings County should realize that the 1926 Summer Carnival has probably never been equalled by any similar local celebration in the province of Nova Scotia and should accordingly honour the courage, enterprise, ability and determination” of the committee.21 There was no historic pageant at this first carnival, but its success encouraged the town’s civic elite to consider holding another celebration two years later.
8 Planning for the 1928 Old Home Week began in the spring of that year, with the formation of a Carnival Committee. Like most other commemorations and festivals, the Kentville Carnival and pageant were planned by the community leaders. Glassberg notes that in American pageantry of the same period, “the guardians of tradition concerned with the proper conduct of civic holiday celebrations came primarily from the ranks of the economic, educational, and hereditary elite. They stood apart from the mass of their fellow citizens not only because of their wealth, educational attainment, and family status, but also because they held positions of leadership in local and national cultural institutions.”22
9 In Kentville, it can certainly be said that members of the local political and economic elite were the organizers of the event. The Carnival Committee was headed by Dr. William S. Blair, who was the president of the Kentville Board of Trade and the superintendent of the Kentville Experimental Farm. Blair had been working for years to improve the agriculture industry in the Annapolis Valley and had served as mayor of Kentville in 1920.23 The honourary president was Mayor Raymond Crosby. The pageant chairman on the committee was Major Harris H. Bligh; he was the general manager of the British Canadian Fruit Association and worked out of its head office in Kentville, where apple exporting was the association’s main business activity.24 The publisher of The Advertiser, Clifford L. Baker, was the honourary secretary of the Carnival Committee; he also composed the finale song – “Hymn to Nova Scotia” – and his son acted in the pageant.25 Aside from the mayor, local politicians were also involved in the pageant in important ways. For example, George Nowlan was elected to the provincial legislature for Hants-Kings in 1925, and he played the Mi’kmaw mythical leader Glooscap in the pageant.26 The wives of many prominent business leaders and politicians were also involved in the pageant, either through costuming, staging, music, or as actors. Representatives from five local organizations also sat on the committee, and their members not only volunteered to run many of the events but these organizations were to receive the profits from the carnival to use for “community and philanthropic purposes.”27 These social, business, and political leaders of the community were the Kentville elite.
10 The committee decided that the carnival would include the usual entertainments: a parade, sports competitions, fireworks, and a beauty contest. However, the historical pageant, advertised as the first-ever such event in the province, would be the main draw. According to the local paper: “While historic pageants have been all the rage in summer celebrations in English and American centres, nothing of the kind has ever been seriously undertaken in Nova Scotia.”28 Many of the planners no doubt benefitted financially and/or socially from the carnival and the added tourism and business that it brought to the community and, clearly, the pageant was an example of entertainment “largely for, but not of, the people.”29 It is difficult to determine, but the cost of the pageant at 60 cents for an unreserved seat and 85 cents for a reserved seat might have been too expensive for many people living in the Annapolis Valley. In his study of the celebration of Champlain and Laval in Quebec, Ronald Rudin argues that pageants were exclusionary and often took place in privatized public space.30 This is certainly true of the Kentville pageant, as it took place in an enclosed hockey arena. The parade through town that kicked off the carnival, however, seems to have been widely attended as well, and this is an example of more accessible pageantry taking place in public space in Kentville. So while the pageant was the main draw, the parade in a public space attracted a large crowd because it was free.
11 Not only were Kentville community leaders intimately involved with the planning and production of the carnival and pageant, but descendants of Planters were well represented both on the pageant stage and as donors. It was important for them to take part in, and have some control over, the telling of the Planter narrative through pageantry. For those who participated, the pageant was a means of reaffirming bonds of community. Forty-two Planter family names were represented by descendants who re-enacted the first landing at Town Plot on the afternoon of 14 August, who marched in the parade, and who then acted as Planters in the historic pageant later that evening.31 Perhaps the most prominent actor in the pageant was Helen Wickwire, who played “Miss Nova Scotia”; she was a descendant of one of the original 1760 Cornwallis land grantees, Captain Peter Wickwire.32 Planter family names, however, were common not only among the “stars” of the production but many of the other actors and participants as well. The pageant also received funding from Planter descendants, which suggests that it was important to them that the Planter narrative was told – and on their terms. John Masters, for instance, donated $100. The Advertiser reported that the donors were “particularly interested in this historical pageant, and have asked that their donations be used toward the expense of costumes, etc., necessary to make the pageant an unqualified success.”33 These Planter descendants were all involved in the production of the pageant that was, in part, ancestor worship.
12 Like many other pageants and historic commemorations, the planning of the Kentville Summer Carnival was intimately connected to tourism and civic boosterism in the town and the Annapolis Valley. The events were planned as key attractions for the second Old Home Week in Kentville, and were aimed at bringing former residents home from New England. Old Home Week celebrations were widespread in North America before the Great War and, not coincidentally, pageantry grew in popularity during this period. The growth of these festivities during the early-20th century may well have been the result of increased urbanization and the movement of people to larger urban centres from small towns and rural areas during this time, the consequent growth in longing for the simpler, less hectic way of life in the countryside, and an attempt to reconnect with those who had moved away from a community in search of opportunities elsewhere.34 After the war, notes Francoise Noel, these celebrations were once again popular in towns and cities across Ontario and in other provinces, and they usually included all of the elements of traditional celebrations “with aspects of ritual, public drama, commemoration and pageantry.” In her recent study of Old Home Week in North Bay, Noel suggests how the pageants were often the main attraction during the week and “were used to celebrate the local in Ontario at a time when large numbers of the Ontario-born population had moved to the United States and the West or had been displaced from the countryside.” To be sure, the pageant presented during Kentville’s Old Home Week celebrations was also used to celebrate the local as well as attracting people who had left the town back for a visit. Although few studies of these celebrations in Canada have been done, Noel maintains that the “such celebrations, like parades, can profitably be used to study the social order of the city in the past, and that their considerable significance in the area of tourism promotion should not be neglected.”35
13 As was the case in the Old Home Week and anniversary celebrations in Saint John, Montreal, and Quebec City, “tourism was central to the planning” in Kentville.36 The planners of the festivities wanted to attract tourists and former Nova Scotians to the region, and used advertising to do so. The carnival and historic pageant were publicized throughout the province and in New England. The local paper reported that “nearly one thousand copies of a huge two-colour poster have been circulated. This, with many other advertising features will bring the Valley’s premier Summer entertainment to the attention of practically everyone in Nova Scotia and many outside.”37 In the months leading up to the carnival, The Advertiser ran multiple announcements stressing the civic importance of attending the pageant: “Every child, man and woman in NS, who can possibly do so, should see the historical pageant. . . . [It] will constitute the greatest effort ever made in this province to produce an historic pageant along traditional lines.”38 The month before the carnival, the paper optimistically reported that “it is known that many scores of Kings County folks now living outside the province are planning to attend. Actually it is expected that the number of non-residents attending the Carnival functions will run into the thousands.”39 In another article entitled “Important Epoch Commemorated in Pageantry,” the author (quite possibly the publisher and Carnival Committee member Clifford Baker) argued that the pageant would be “one of the most important events in the history of Nova Scotia” and that, apart from the artistic value, the pageant “will constitute a memorable patriotic demonstration.” He also spoke well of the Planter lineage:Descended from those [Planter] families are many thousands of the finest type of present day Nova Scotians; and of all the constituent elements of the province’s population none has been productive of more leaders and men and women of influence in every department of industry, commerce, and art. Many descendants, after generations of life in Nova Scotia, have returned to the New England States to attain positions of prominence and honour in that country.40Undoubtedly, these were the people that the planners hoped to attract back to the Valley. Masters was in charge of publicizing the event in Boston, and “he had discussed the proposed Carnival with many Nova Scotians in New England and they were enthusiastically behind it.” It is hard to know how many former residents actually returned for the festival but, as promised by Masters, representatives of the mayor of Boston and the governor of Massachusetts traveled to Kentville as did members of the Canadian Club of Boston.41 Traffic through the port of Yarmouth was also reported to have been high that month.42
14 Once tourists arrived, they received an official souvenir program – “Kentville Summer Carnival and Grand Historic Pageant. Souvenir Programme of Events” – with its welcome by Mayor Crosby in which he pontificated on the achievements of the Kentville Experimental Farm, the railway, and the apple industry. His pride in local endeavours is part of what McKay suggests was the dominant story line for locals and tourists alike in 1920s Nova Scotia: the province was “a land of prosperity and enterprise.”43 The mayor encouraged people to stay for more than a short visit by extolling the area’s virtues: “Beautiful, spacious, paved streets, unsurpassed public services, cheap power, and low taxes make Kentville a desirable place wherein to visit, to dwell, or to locate industry.”44 This was the hope of the planners of the Summer Carnival celebrations – that former residents or their descendants would be attracted back to the town by the pageantry and fun. Aside from the carnival, Crosby suggested a visit to the Land of Evangeline, the Look Off, and the villages on the Bay of Fundy (all typical Annapolis Valley tourist stops accessible by car or rail). Clearly, the longer tourists stayed the more money they would spend and the better it would be for businesses that relied on tourism.
15 After much planning and rehearsal, and with the arrival of the much-anticipated tourists, the pageant was performed by 400 men, women, and children at 8 pm in the local arena on two successive evenings: Tuesday, 14 August, and Wednesday, 15 August. Over 3,000 people were in attendance the first night (a full house) and, considering that in 1931 the population of the town of Kentville was 3,033, this represented excellent attendance – even if a significant proportion of the audience was from out-of-town.45 On the second night, according to the paper, the audience of 2,500 “was slightly smaller, but, if possible, more appreciative.”46 Attendance at many of the other attractions of the three-day carnival, though, was lower than expected, as it seems that people spent their money on tickets to the pageant rather than for the baseball games, horse races, or the tug of war tournament.
16 Following the opening remarks by the mayor and the lieutenant-governor, the pageant, according to a press report, began “at a time shortly after the departure of the Acadians.”47 The first scene was set in 1755, and “Glooscap,” the Mi’kmaw spirit, “soliloquizes on the desolate valley.” Local women played the spirits of “the lonely Rivers,” “Roads,” and “Deserted Farms,” and through song and dance they called across the sea to the New England Planters to come to the Valley. In the subsequent scene, a proclamation was read in various parts of New England offering grants of land to new settlers. The “Planters” then began to arrive, played by the same Planter descendants who had sailed down the Cornwallis River earlier that afternoon.48 After they had settled into the Valley on stage, there were several tableaux in which the four seasons were acted out. At the beginning of each seasonal scene, “Glooscap” “summon[ed] the spirits” of the season and then the essence of that season was portrayed. During “Spring,” for instance, children dressed as apple buds and blossoms, and later the fruit itself (apparently ripened by children dressed as the breezes and sunshine) danced across the stage. In terms of “Fall”, actors were seen gathering the harvest as well as weaving and dipping candles. Again, children dressed as apples graced the stage, as did eight boys dressed as railway workers whose job it was to pack up the apples for export.
17 After the four seasons, the pageant continued along a chronological trajectory with a depiction of the visit of the Duke of Kent and the naming of the town in his honour, the founding of Acadia University, the arrival of the railway, and the launching of the largest sailing ship ever built in Canada at Kingsport. To represent the Great War, a shadow fell across the stage and a bugle was blown. The conclusion of the pageant focused on the present day, with first “Glooscap” looking down contentedly over the Valley and then a woman dressed as “Nova Scotia” appearing. She was held up by more women playing the allegorical figures of “Religion,” “Knowledge,” “Hope,” and “Ambition,” and they were all surrounded by 18 more women who represented the counties of the province, each bearing the symbol of the industry of that county. The music for “The Land of Hope and Glory” was then played while the entire 400-person ensemble gathered on stage. After a moment of silence, the entire cast sang the newly written “Hymn to Nova Scotia,” and the audience joined in for the final stanza by referring to the lyrics available in their souvenir program. Clifford Baker had written the lyrics for this song to the tune of “Rule, Britannia!,” and it was a love song to the province.49 “The song was sung by the entire group of 400 people,” noted The Chronicle, “gorgeous in bright and colourful costumes, glittering under the powerful lights, who turning as one to ‘Nova Scotia’ stretched out their hands in adoration, and the hearts and voices of Nova Scotia’s children were raised in a hymn of homage.”50 The national anthem (“God Save the King”) was then sung by the cast and audience, while the Union Jack and flag of Nova Scotia were folded together at the rear of the stage.51 And with that, “Nova Scotia” was able to move forward off the stage into the future – a “jewel in the crown of the empire.” The pageant was declared “a decided success” and “little short of marvellous” by the local paper, although one important attendee was less enthusiastic.52 Lieutenant-Governor J.C. Tory, official patron of the carnival, made the following entry in his diary: “[It] was a very credible show, though weak in spots. On the whole the pageant was regarded as quite a success and was really very enjoyable.”53
18 There is much to be read into the particular narrative the pageant conveys. The planners conceived of a Planter narrative that celebrated the New England settlers as possessing a love of the soil, sobriety, industry, thrift, and a providential claim to the region. Even subsequent historians, such as G.G. Campbell, have been caught up in the excitement; Campbell argued, for instance, that while the Planter migration was “not the largest single migration to enter the province, it is unquestionably the most important.”54 Clearly the pageant planners would have agreed. The pageant was about remembering and strengthening the bonds and connections between New England and Kings County. It was a story for the masses, informed by Kings County historian Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton, and it stressed the importance of the arrival of the Planters to the history of the Valley. They were presented as the founders of the fertile region and the reason for the present-day success, and they would also be the source of future successes. For the pageant planners and the Planter narrative they created, the Planters were clearly the most important aspect of the region’s history.55
19 It is clear that the familial connections between Nova Scotia and New England were central to both the Planter narrative described in the pageant and the ongoing economic relationship between the two regions. Not only did New Englanders first resettle the Valley after the Acadian expulsion, but people continued to travel between the regions in the following centuries. Historian R.S. Longley notes that the Planters were originally English Pilgrims or Puritans from the south of England before they became Planters in a “new” New England. They were people who were always in search of new land, and they responded in significant numbers to the proclamation made by Nova Scotia’s Governor Charles Lawrence in 1758. This need for land, combined with the high numbers of children borne by Valley Planter women, eventually resulted in the division of the original land grants and then the settling of land west of the settlements. Due to the limited amount of land, the final result was that “in the 19th and early 20th centuries many sons and daughters of Planters found their way back to New England. Here their descendants still reside.”56 The movement of peoples between Nova Scotia and New England continued, with key proponents of the pageant idea living in both areas. During the 1926 Carnival, Mr. Burrell, the official representative of the governor of Massachusetts, addressed the crowd:In passing, let me say that on the latter day, years ago, we gave to Nova Scotia some of the best blood in New England and their descendants continue to bind together Canada and the American states. We shall always look back with pride to our help at the time of the Halifax disaster. . . . Each year, now, our tourists are turning their eyes towards the beautiful Annapolis Valley, and they come back refreshed in mind and body, and full of pleasure that they have been permitted to see “God’s Country.”57As such, not only was the special relationship between Nova Scotia and New England celebrated in the pageant; the planners also hoped that tourists from New England would continue to visit or return home to the Valley in increasing numbers to experience their history.
20 For both locals and former residents the Kentville pageant, like most public commemorations, functioned to establish a stable and progressive historical narrative from which purpose and pride could be derived. As Glassberg states: “Civic officials piled historical artefact, narrative, and image upon image in antiquarian detail to bring the full weight of tradition to bear upon their neighbours, discharging what they felt was their sacred duty to teach their beliefs and values to the public and to explain the present residents’ place in a succession of past and future residents who together constituted the historical community.”58
21 In Kentville this was most evident in the involvement of the pre-eminent historian of the county, Dr. Eaton, who was himself a descendant of several Planter families.59 Eaton was born in Kentville in 1849, and was schooled there before leaving for Boston to study for the ministry at Harvard. He returned to earn a master’s degree from Dalhousie University in 1904.60 Eaton was also a poet, historian, and genealogist. In 1910 his book, The History of Kings County, was published in Boston, and in it he paints a picture of industrious, hard-working people who emigrated to rich lands and made the best of a good situation. He writes very little about Kings County prior to the arrival of the Planters, with less than 10 pages on the Mi’kmaq and less than 40 pages (out of 900) on the Acadians. The bulk of the book is devoted to detailing the arrival, successes, and family histories of the Planters throughout Kings County.61 By the 1920s Eaton was recognized as the “Kings County historian, and one of Nova Scotia’s outstanding literary men.”62
22 When Eaton was informed of the plans for a pageant by John Masters in the early summer of 1928, he “expressed hearty endorsement” and “offered to write a short series of articles on the coming of the New England Planters to Nova Scotia, and other local historical features.”63 And Eaton followed through on this commitment; a month before the pageant, for example, The Advertiser published a lengthy article by Eaton entitled “Nova Scotia and her New England People,” which was an overview of the arrival of the Planters and a list of their accomplishments.64 The purpose of this article was clearly to serve as a history lesson for the residents of Kentville and to remind them of their great heritage. One week before the pageant the paper published Eaton’s poem “Puritan Planters,” which described the coming of the Connecticut Planters to Kings County and their subsequent happiness there.65 The editors explained that this poem was a prelude to the historic pageant taking place the following week. Even those residents who did not attend the pageant but who read the local paper could still get their fill of Planter history. For those who had pageant tickets, they were being primed for the show. The articles were part of the process by which a historical consciousness was being crafted.
23 Eaton’s articles, however, failed to mention Nova Scotia’s First Nations population. As Colin Coates and Cecilia Morgan maintain, the colonial context of Canadian history has meant that “aboriginal peoples’ histories and memories have been both appropriated and forgotten” in historical narratives.66 This was especially true in the Kentville pageant as not only were the original Mi’kmaq inhabitants of the area completely ignored in the Planter progress narrative, but their spiritual culture was usurped by local (white) politician George Nowlan wearing a Glooscap costume. As a representative of the government, Nowlan was the very agent of colonialism in the region.
24 There was also no acknowledgement that the celebrated arrival of the Planters only further removed Native people from their homelands.67 Prior to 1760, although social, cultural, and political changes had taken place among the Mi’kmaq, they were not dependent on European trade and had maintained not only good relations with the French but also their own language and culture.68 If it is the case that the Mi’kmaq were still self-sufficient in 1760, then it follows that their decline was due, at least in part, to the arrival of the Planters. Although the initial migration of Planters had to be delayed from 1759 to 1760 due to Mi’kmaw attacks on European and Euro-American settlements, the 1760-61 peace treaty between the British and the Mi’kmaq ensured more peaceful relations between them and their new neighbours.69 As Greg Marquis has written about commemorations of Champlain’s arrival in Saint John, “none of these early conflicts or tensions, or the European introduction of diseases, firearms and alcohol, were addressed in the celebrations of the tercentenary. Similarly, there was no mention of the basic reality that the arrival of the French explorers, traders and missionaries, friendly or not, was the beginning of a long process . . . of the eventual subjugation of the Indigenous peoples.” The ignorance of the impact of colonialism on the Mi’kmaq may have been the result of severely decreased numbers of Native people in the Valley and the province by the 1920s; it may also have resulted from a lack of knowledge about the colonial processes themselves. Just as in Saint John, First Nations people were “far removed from public life” in Kentville.70 This may have been the reason why a Mi’kmaw chief or elder was not chosen to play Glooscap: there were few Native people in the county, and they were absent from the Kentville community. The Pageant Committee, however, was certainly aware of the early history of the Mi’kmaq, if only from Eaton’s book (which seems to have provided them with much of their information). Pageant director Daisy Foster could have chosen to begin the pageant with a scene that featured a pre-contact Mi’kmaw encampment to set a more adequate historical context concerning the area’s first inhabitants for the pageant audience. Eaton’s book describes Mi’kmaw life, culture, mythology, and contact with the French – information Foster might have used. But this aspect of the region’s history was almost entirely absent from the pageant.
25 The pageant planners, however, were not above using the Mi’kmaw spirit, Glooscap, to help bolster the Planter narrative in the pageant. Indeed, the appropriation of the character of Glooscap is part of a long and feather-filled tradition of “playing Indian.” American historians Philip Deloria and Elizabeth Bird have both written about the practice of non-Native Americans dressing up in buckskin and feathers and acting out their fantasies about “Indians.”71 Kentville organizers, however, were not alone in this approach; as part of North Bay’s Old Home Week celebrations in 1925, there was a Native village staffed by non-Native members of the Lions Club. They sat in a tepee with a “squaw,” held bows and arrows, and smoked a peace pipe.72 In the 1904 celebrations of Champlain’s arrival in Saint John, the “Indian part of the program” consisted of members of the Neptune Rowing Club; no Mi’kmaq or Maliseet took part.73
26 In other examples of historical pageantry in Canada, Native people had been hired to “play Indian” as well. Often this meant donning a non-traditional or historically inaccurate costume, but at least they were active participants. Hundreds of Native people were hired to take part in the celebrations of the Champlain tercentenary in Quebec in 1908, and they were an important attraction for the event, even though they wore buckskin costumes, headdresses, and bows and arrows purchased from the Plains.74 One hundred and fifty Mohawks took part in the 1909 Lake Champlain celebrations discussed by Ronald Rudin.75 In the spring and summer of 1920, Native peoples participated in pageants celebrating the 250th anniversary of the Hudson’s Bay Company in Victoria, Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, and Winnipeg.76 Native people also took part in many other pageants and re-enactments during this period, and were always a crowd-pleaser.77
27 Despite the fact that there were no Native participants and only one appropriated Native spirit in the Kentville pageant, Mi’kmaw history was briefly acknowledged in the souvenir program. In the “Note Concerning Glooscap” that appeared at the beginning of the pageant description, a brief history of the Mi’kmaq of Nova Scotia was given as well as an explanation of who Glooscap was. Author Clifford Baker describes the Great Spirit of the Mi’kmaq and tells “tales of Glooscap’s prowess” and his death by drowning in the Bay of Fundy. At the end he notes that “Glooscap now reappears in his native haunts to greet new scenes and faces and to foretell a great future for Nova Scotia.”78 The suggestion that Glooscap is pleased with the progress brought by colonialism is not only highly questionable, but it also erroneously implies that the Mi’kmaq must also be happy with their situation and that the pageant audience had nothing to worry about.
28 The absence of any reference in the pageant to the history of the Acadians in the Valley – either their “Golden Age” or their deportation – is another telling omission. As Caroline-Isabelle Caron suggests, “l’exclusion est trop patente pour n’être qu’un simple oubli.” There were no characters dressed as Acadians, but the physical marks that they left on the land did play a significant role in the narrative. It was, after all, the “spirits of the desolate farms” who called across the sea to the Planters to come and end their loneliness. These spirits were accompanied by the spirits of the “Rivers” and “Roads” of the Valley. Surely the “desolate farms” could have been left out entirely so as to ignore the subject of the Acadian deportation as a whole. The fact these farms were a part of the pageant, however, suggests that it was not a burden for Kentville’s historical conscience that their Planter ancestors came to previously inhabited lands. The absence of Acadian history in Anglo-Protestant pageantry was common in early-20th-century Nova Scotia, but it did not go unnoticed by Acadians. Caron’s work, for instance, explores how in the mid-20th century Acadians themselves used pageantry, especially at the bicentennial of the expulsion in 1955, to counteract the absence of their history within anglophone celebrations: “Les fêtes commemoratives acadiennes visent aussi à compenser l’absence quasi complete de l’histoire acadienne dans les commemorations historiques des communautés anglo-protestantes, notamment dans la vallée de l’Annapolis.”79 Through their own pageantry, Ronald Rudin maintains, the Acadian communities of Nova Scotia were able to reconcile with their traumatic past and, in part, heal their wounds.80 This is something that the organizers of the Kentville pageant had apparently no interest in doing. While the Planter past was not nearly so traumatic, their arrival did result in trauma to both the First Nations and Acadians; yet these effects were absent in the narrative told in the pageant. Unlike the Kentville pageant, later Acadian pageantry contributed to a conversation about the diverse history of the Annapolis Valley and, not surprisingly, made the Acadian story central to the narrative. Whether anyone outside of the Acadian community was listening, however, is uncertain.
29 Finally, the last major group left out of the pageant was the United Empire Loyalists. Between 1775 and 1785 thousands of Loyalists arrived in Nova Scotia, with some settling in towns in the Annapolis Valley.81 These events, however, were completely omitted from Kentville’s pageant, and no credit was given to them for the success of the region. This may have been due to the fact that the Loyalists are hardly mentioned in Eaton’s History of Kings County.82 Historian J.B. Brebner, however, suggests that the Planters and “Nova Scotia itself worked upon the Loyalists and other subsequent immigrants to produce an amalgam far more similar to New Hampshire and Maine than to the other Loyalist refuge in Upper Canada (Ontario).”83 So their absence from the pageant may have, at least in part, reflected an absence of Loyalist identity in the province by the 1920s. On the other hand, the absence of the Loyalists may have had more to do with the general feelings of the Planters and their descendants towards the Loyalist migration. Neil Mackinnon suggests several reasons for the Planter antipathy towards the post-revolutionary refugees. Throughout the province, he writes, “what the old Nova Scotian community feared and resented was the Loyalist exclusiveness and their attempt to get a stranglehold on the virtue of loyalty.”84 The Planters were also worried about “a denigration of their own position as old settlers” and some colonial officials were concerned as well about fraudulent behaviour on the part of the Loyalists – a point that Eaton makes clear when he explains that the Loyalists who came to Kings County settled in the relatively unpopulated Aylesford Township between September 1782 and December 1783; Eaton adds that “among the grantees whose names stand on the Aylesford plan will be found not a few who are conspicuously known in the annals of the Revolution on the unpopular side.”85 He thus suggests (with evident distaste) that some Kings County Loyalist settlers might have fought for the American side in the Revolution. His comments are indicative of the complicated relationship between Planter and Loyalist settlers in the Annapolis Valley. The pageant, however, presented an uncomplicated view of history: one with no Loyalists at all.
30 While the pageant left out First Nations, Acadians, and Loyalists, women were well represented. The pageant was directed by a woman and women played the majority of the roles, which was indicative of the gender concepts at work in the community. The first scene of the play, the “Pageant of the River, Roads, and Spirits of the Farms,” featured women dancing about the stage in “attractive costumes.”86 The entities they represented were empty and lonely, and they called across the sea for the New England Planters to come and fulfil them. The feminization of unknown land in the New World by explorers, cartographers, travelers, and playwrights is a recurring theme in narratives of exploration and discovery; it allowed colonists to eliminate some of the fear associated with the unknown and instead perceive it as either maternal and nurturing or passive and virginal.87 Certainly Nova Scotia was not terra incognita by 1760, but it was a new landscape for the Planters and it was a feminized one – waiting for men to come and improve it. No men appeared in the scene, and it was not until after the proclamation was read that the Planters appeared. These Planters were of both genders, although historically the first boats held men.88 It is telling, however, that the director chose to have the physical embodiments of the empty land played by female actors.
31 Women also played all of the allegorical and iconic figures in the pageant, which was a common way for women to participate in pageantry and processions in the 19th century.89 According to David Glassberg, allegorical tableaux that represented abstract virtues “offered women, who generally were excluded from the line of march, their major opportunity to appear in public celebrations, seen but not heard as they adorned floats pulled by their fathers, husbands, sons and brothers.”90 In the Kentville pageant, women played both allegorical figures and symbolic ones. Helen Wickwire played two roles in the pageant, a “spirit of the desolate farm” and the more important role of Miss Nova Scotia. As such, Wickwire wore classical robes, as well as a helmet, and she carried a shield featuring the provincial flag and a staff topped by a cross. This costume is similar to what women wore in allegorical tableaux in the United States and Canada; they were often draped in pseudo-Grecian robes while holding flags or other symbolic objects. Miss Nova Scotia looks somewhat like a warrior, however, with her militaristic accessories.91 The convention of symbolic women warriors can be traced back to the Amazon and the mythical Greek female warriors as well as Diana, the virginal Roman goddess of the hunt. Amazons appeared in Renaissance literature and culture alongside great men and women of history, and were generally associated with chastity.92 Importantly, Miss Nova Scotia was played by an unmarried woman.93
32 The Kentville pageant also featured 18 women dressed as the counties of Nova Scotia, but these women seem to have been wearing contemporary clothing. The allegorical roles played by women in the pageant – “Hope,” “Ambition,” “Religion,” and “Knowledge” – are also quite revealing. Successful and strong women were chosen to play these roles, and this suggests some comfort with women in positions of power in the community. It is unclear who chose the actors, but quite possibly it was director Daisy Foster. Dr. Eva Mader, who played “Knowledge,” was a recent graduate of Dalhousie Medical School and worked at the Kentville Sanatorium in 1928.94 The following year she left for Toronto where she began a long career at Women’s College Hospital before becoming chancellor of the University of Toronto in 1974. Her background certainly made her a good candidate for “Knowledge.” The choice of these four virtues also tells us something about the community, or at least the narrative the community’s elite wanted to tell. Hope, ambition, religion, and knowledge were all part of the Planter identity; they were held to be characteristics of the New Englanders who immigrated to the Valley as well as characteristics of Kings County residents in the 1920s.
33 Women also played the roles of “Spring,” “the Autumn Wind,” and “Acadia University.” Gladys Richardson Porter played “Acadia” and, although she was born in Sydney where her father was a long-time mayor, she moved to Kentville in 1912 and worked for the Dominion Atlantic Railway (DAR) as a stenographer before marrying. After her participation in the pageant, Porter continued her work in the community for better health care, was active in the local United Baptist Church, and was a founding member and first president of the local chapter of the Business and Professional Women’s Club. After serving several terms on the Kentville Town Council in the early-1940s, Porter was elected the first female mayor of Kentville (and the first in the Maritimes) in 1946.95 She was mayor for 11 years until she was elected a member of the Nova Scotia Legislative Assembly, and she was later presented with an Honorary Doctor of Civil Law by Acadia University in 1966.96 As a pageant about progress and modernity in Kentville, the selection of Mader and Porter as “Knowledge” and “Acadia” suggests that women’s work in education, politics, and medicine was the way of the future.
34 While women played the allegorical figures, in general, men played the “mortals” in the pageant. They played the “Duke of Kent,” the “Sherriff,” the “Soldier,” “Farmers,” and some of the “Planters.”97 This gendered division of acting roles stayed true for male and female children as well, although the only roles for boys in the pageant were as “Railway Section Men.”98 There were many more roles for girls, including the “apples,” “blossoms,” and “baby snowflakes,” which was a twist on conventional historical narratives in which men got most of the parts. These gendered notions of proper theatrical roles suggest that it was acceptable for males to be involved in pageantry if they played “serious” roles as important (mortal) figures in the region’s history. Glooscap was the one exception. It was also quite appropriate and common in British and North American pageantry of the time for women to play allegorical and symbolic roles. The convention of the female personification of abstract virtues comes in part from semantic foundations in which abstract qualities such as beauty, peace, and justice are feminine in the Greek and Latin languages.99
35 Women not only acted as allegorical and iconic figures in the Kentville pageant; they were also heavily involved in the production. For instance, Edna Milliken Bligh (Mrs. Harris H. Bligh) was the “Director of Stage Ensemble,” and several women sat on both the Costume Committee and the Music Committee.100 More significantly, as mentioned before, the pageant was written and directed by the experienced Halifax director Frances “Daisy” Foster. By the time she was asked to direct the Kentville pageant, Foster had been involved in music and theatre in Halifax for two decades. She had already directed multiple variety shows and musicals, and was an early member of the Halifax Ladies’ Musical Club.101 She also appears to have been friends with folklorist Helen Creighton, who participated in one of Foster’s variety shows in the mid-1920s.102 Foster had directed a musical comedy in Kentville in the spring of 1928 and, based on its success, was then hired by the Carnival Committee to write and direct the historic pageant. The committee had great faith in Foster, suggesting that her presence “promises success” as she was “an expert in productions of this kind.”103 Foster moved to Kentville a month before the pageant in order to start work on it and, according to the financial records, was paid $500 for her role as director of the pageant (a significant amount for the time).104 Although female playwrights and directors were few in number, their work in local communities and small theatres was important in the establishment of a home-grown, Canadian drama tradition in the early-20th century. Women such as Sarah Anne Curzon, Mary Reynolds, and Catherine Nina Merritt “fostered the artistic and feminist development of Canada,” and it is clear that Daisy Foster also made a significant contribution with her work on the Kentville pageant.105
36 While women were important players in the pageant, two industries dominated by men — the railway and the apple industry — were also prominently portrayed in the pageant. The DAR was an important part of the Planter narrative, as it was the epitome of industrial and technological progress in the Valley. As such, it was featured prominently in the historic pageant and it also helped to advertise the carnival. The DAR grew out of the Windsor-Annapolis Railway and it ran from Halifax to Yarmouth, down the length of the Annapolis Valley. Kentville became the headquarters of the DAR in 1868, and this resulted in new jobs, population growth, and, later, the establishment of Camp Aldershot in 1904. The history of the company and its importance to the region was portrayed in a pageant scene featuring a donated railway car and boys dressed as “Railway Section Men” as they complete the Halifax to Annapolis Royal rail line.106 The DAR initially intended to carry Valley produce to Halifax, but officials found that tourists proved more profitable and so carried both.107 As the company hoped to benefit from increased tourism, they advertised the carnival. On the back cover of the souvenir program, tourists were encouraged to stay at one (or both) of the two hotels operated by the company: the Pines Hotel in Digby and the new Cornwallis Inn in Kentville. The railway company had a long history of reliance on tourism; almost immediately after their incorporation in 1895 the DAR began to publicize the region, in particular as “the Land of Evangeline,” to tourists in the United States.108 Through their publications, the company promoted tourism and travel in the province, but it also aimed to educate readers about the history of the regions they visited.109 It is not surprising, then, that the DAR was both involved in advertising the Kentville Summer Carnival and the subject of a pageant scene.
37 The completion of the railway from Halifax to Annapolis Royal in 1869, celebrated in a pageant scene, “marked the beginning of a new era for the farmers of the Annapolis Valley,” notes Margaret Conrad, as the export of the area’s major crop – apples – had long been a mainstay of the area’s economy.110 But apples were included in the historical pageant not only because they were the main source of Valley livelihood; the involvement of members of the apple elite in the planning of the pageant, such as Dr. Blair and Major Bligh, also helped ensure that apples would be part of the story. By the beginning of the 19th century, several townships in the Valley were producing large amounts of fruit,111 and by the end of that century, as Conrad demonstrates, apples had fundamentally altered Valley farming by 1914 as production picked up and exports to the United States and England increased, especially as a result of improved steamship service and reduced freight rates.112 A contemporary account by R.H. Whitbeck asserts that the Valley, “eight miles long and eight wide, [became] almost a continuous orchard.”113 Although the onset of the Great War caused the collapse of the export market, peak production occurred in the decades after the war with huge crops harvested from apple trees planted before 1914.114 The apple business was booming and, as such, featured prominently in the pageant. The success of the Kentville summer carnivals in 1926 and 1928, as well as the desire to continue promoting the apple industry, led to the creation of the Apple Blossom Festival in 1933, and the apple industry continues to be a vitally important industry in terms of both agricultural production and tourism.115
38 One significant fact, however, was not divulged during the performance of the pageant: apples were originally planted in the Valley by the Acadians and not the Planters. Eaton explains in his book that “the French had found the soil and climate of Nova Scotia well adapted for fruit raising and had set out small orchards, from which they gathered a considerable crop of apples. . . . This fruit industry the New England planters continued, and with the ripening of their apple crops they set up ciders presses as the French before them likewise had done.”116 Some supporters of the present-day apple industry suggest that although the Acadians first planted apple trees with seeds brought from France, “it was not until the Planters, and later the Loyalists, arrived from New England that apple production was taken seriously.”117 It was Planter descendant Charles Prescott, for example, who first brought modern apple varieties and horticultural techniques to the Valley.118 The Kentville pageant might well have included some forlorn apple trees among the lonely “Deserted Farms” that called across the sea to the Planters, but it did not. While pageant planners failed to acknowledge that the apple trees were already there when the Planters first arrived, they also did not claim that the Planters planted them. They were just there, blossoming in the first spring, waiting to be picked by the deserving Planters in the fall. By not clarifying the origin of the apple trees in the Valley, and by taking credit for the growth of the industry, they further erased the presence of the Acadians in the region.
39 The importance of the apples to the 1928 pageant, and to the successive Apple Blossom festivals, suggests that the industry was important to the identity of Valley farmers. In 1910, Ralph Samuel Eaton, past president of the Kings County Board of Trade and a successful apple farmer, explained:The breadth of the valley in Kings County, its central position in the fruit belt of Nova Scotia, and the intelligence of its fruit growers, combine to make the county one of the most progressive fruit-raising sections of the whole American continent. Already the development of the fruit industry has increased the value of the county’s farms many times over that they would otherwise have been, and with the future certain progress of the industry this value will doubtless in the future still further increase.119There was pride in the achievement of the apple farmers of the Valley and this was reflected in the virtues espoused by the Planter narrative – hard work, honesty, ingenuity, and providence.120 They were fortunate that the apple trees were there when they arrived, but it was their industry that converted the trees into a massive export industry for the region.
40 In the end, the Grand Historic Pageant of the 1928 Kentville Summer Carnival was declared a great achievement. “To say that it went over big would be putting it mild,” the Halifax-Chronicle delared. “It was a decided success, from start to finish, and as an educational, patriotic, and historic spectacle, it is doubtful if it has ever been surpassed in this Province. The characters came from all parts of the Valley, and they carried through their parts in a brilliant manner. It was little short of marvellous.”121 Despite the success of the pageant, though, the carnival suffered financial losses. The proceeds were to have been divided among five local organizations whose volunteers were involved in the running of the carnival, but unfortunately the carnival events were not as heavily attended as the organizers had hoped. As reported in the local paper soon after the carnival, however, the guarantors were “most outspoken in their praise for the Carnival, and [were] prepared to pay up their share, feeling that the effort was well worth the cost.”122
41 Of the 1908 Quebec Tercentenary festivities, H.V. Nelles asks the following question: “Ostensibly it was the past being celebrated, but what past?”123 It would be equally appropriate to ask another question: “Whose past was being celebrated?” In the historical pageant of the 1928 Summer Carnival, it was the Planter past that was memorialized. The pageant featured a Planter narrative that focused on the migration of New Englanders to the Annapolis Valley and the subsequent progress and development of the Valley. It espoused a Planter identity of hard-working, industrious, enterprising, and deserving farmers, and celebrated the farmers of the 1760s and the 1920s. This narrative, based on Eaton’s work and on Planter family histories, had no room for the Acadians, the Mi’kmaq, or even the Loyalists. The carnival was planned to attract attention and tourism to Kentville and Kings County, especially from New England. Certainly they hoped to increase business in the area, and maybe even seduce a few former residents to return home. It is an example of the tourist planning and civic boosterism that was occurring in many communities across the country during this era.
42 Importantly, the pageant was not part of the antimodern trend that was so prevalent in the province during this period. Ian McKay has written about “the cultural producers who redescribed Nova Scotia as a land innocent of modernity,” but these were not the planners of the Kentville pageant.124 The pageant celebrated the modern and progressive aspects of the region’s history, such as the establishment of Acadia University, the arrival of the railway in Kentville, and the construction of the largest ship in the Dominion in Kingsport. These events might have been completely ignored in an antimodernist pageant that would have commemorated the unspoiled agricultural past of the Valley; the pageant was not about the creation of a farmer folk to complement Helen Creighton’s fisher folk of the coastal communities. Although the pageant planners were keen to celebrate their rural origins, they were firmly focused on the future and the ongoing development of the town as a modern place on the rise. For them the way forward was not in celebrating the pastoral past, but in focusing on a progressive, dynamic future.
43 The pageant certainly had many similarities to other pageants and commemorative spectacles in Canadian towns and cities, especially those that took place during other Old Home weeks and the Diamond Jubilee celebrations of 1927. Kentville, although a small town of 3,000, was a participant in the particularly modern cultural tradition of pageantry that was popular during the period. Looking at pageantry at the local level suggests that particular notions of place and history come together to shape these events; the regional identities that emerge are often quite different from the identities and stories told in national pageantry. The 1928 Kentville pageant stressed the importance of the town to the Valley as well as to the entire province. It was also a self-congratulatory narrative suggesting that although Kentville was a small town in Nova Scotia, its inhabitants believed that people should sit up and take notice of them. As the first major historical pageant in Kings County, and possibly the province, the Kentville production set the stage for the ongoing celebration of the agriculturally productive Valley. The Apple Blossom Festival was founded, in part, on the success of the 1928 carnival and pageant and, starting in 1933, it became an annual festival that attracted tourists to the region and reinforced the apple as a central piece of Valley identity.
Footnotes
1 “Brilliant Patriotic ‘Pageant of the
Valley’ Is Outstanding Feature of Carnival Program,” The Advertiser (Kentville), 16
August 1928. These photographs appeared on the front pages of The Advertiser and The Halifax Chronicle. The phrase
“a highly favoured people” in the title of this article is from an address by
Lieut. Governor J.C. Tory at the opening of the pageant; see H.W. Porter,
“Brilliant Pageant Opens Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” The Halifax Chronicle, 15 August
1928. I would like to thank Kings County Museum Curator Bria Stokesbury and
local historians Ed Coleman and Louis Comeau for their generous research help,
and Caroline-Isabelle Caron for telling me where to find the souvenir program.
I would also like to express my thanks to Cecilia Morgan, Jennifer Bonnell,
Kristine Alexander, Derek Flack, and the members of the Larkin Group as well as
the anonymous reviewers for Acadiensis for
all of their thoughtful comments and suggestions.
2 Aside from brief comments in one
diary, I have not been able to uncover any other diaries, letters, or other
personal reflections on the pageant. Additionally, no archival records of the
planning committee exist in either Kentville or Halifax. Thus, aside from newspaper
reports of the production, it is difficult to uncover the intentions of the
planners.
3 Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton, The History of Kings County, Nova Scotia: Heart
of the Acadian Land, 2nd ed. (Belleville, ON: Mika Studio, 1972),
138.
4 Unlike the Loyalists (who also have a
non-national identity), the Planters were entirely self-interested in their
quest for land, moving and immigrating repeatedly in their efforts to own more
property. They were not forced out of New England, but went to Nova Scotia to
better their own interests.
5 Lt.-Gov. J.C. Tory, quoted in Porter,
“Brilliant Pageant Opens Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
6 Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens
Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle,
15 August 1928.
7 Harold Bérubé, “Commémorer la ville :
une analyse comparative des célébrations du centenaire de Toronto et du
tricentenaire de Montréal,” Revue D’Histoire de
l’Amérique Française 57, no. 2 (2003): 209-36; Colin Coates and
Cecilia Morgan, Heroines and History: Representations of
Madeleine De Vercheres and Laura Secord (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 2002); Robert Cupido, “The Medium, the Message and the Modern:
The Jubilee Broadcast of 1927,” International Journal of
Canadian Studies, “Performing Canada” special issue, no. 26 (Fall
2002): 101-23; Alan Gordon, Making Public Pasts: The
Contested Terrain of Montréal’s Public Memories, 1891-1930 (Montreal
and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001); Craig Heron and Steven
Penfold, The Workers’ Festival: A History of Labour Day
in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005); Mark
McGowan, Creating Canadian Historical Memory: The Case
of the Famine Migration of 1847, Canada’s Ethnic Group Series, vol.
30, (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 2006); H.V. Nelles, The Art of Nation-Building: Spectacle and Pageantry
at Quebec’s Tercentenary (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1999); Ian Radforth, Royal Spectacle: The 1869
Visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada and the United States (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2004); Ronald Rudin, Founding
Fathers: The Celebration of Champlain and Laval in the Streets of Quebec,
1878-1908 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003); C.J.
Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada’s
National Historic Parks and Sites (Montreal and Kingston:
McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990); Jonathan F. Vance, Death So Noble: Memory, Meaning, and the First
World War (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997).
8 Caroline-Isabelle Caron, “Se souvenir
de ‘Acadie d’antan : representations du passe historique dans le cadre de
celebrations commemoratives locales en Nouvelle-Ecosse au milieu du 20e
siecle,” Acadiensis XXXVI, no. 2 (printemps
2007): 55-71; David Frank, “Minto 1932: The Origins and Significance of a New
Brunswick Labour Landmark,” Acadiensis XXXVI,
no. 2 (Spring 2007): 3-27; Greg Marquis, “Celebrating Champlain in the Loyalist
City: Saint John, 1904-1910,” Acadiensis 33,
no. 2 (Spring 2004): 27-43; Ian McKay, “History and the Tourist Gaze: The
Politics of Commemoration in Nova Scotia, 1935-1964,” Acadiensis 22, no. 2 (Spring 1993):
102-38; Ian McKay, The Quest of the Folk:
Antimodernism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia (Montreal
and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994); Ian McKay and Robin
Bates, In the Province of History: Tourism and the
Public Past in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia (Montreal and
Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2010); Ronald Rudin, Remembering and Forgetting in Acadie: A
Historian’s Journey through Public Memory (Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 2009); Paul Williams, “Erecting ‘an instructive object’: The
Case of the Halifax Memorial Tower,” Acadiensis XXXVI,
no. 2 (Spring 2007): 91-112.
9 In fact, McKay argues that “the
concept of “invented tradition” is a useful one provided it is acknowledged
that all traditions are historically
constructed, and not merely those held dear by non-academics and marginalized
nationalities.” See Ian McKay, “Tartanism Triumphant: The Construction of
Scottishness in Nova Scotia, 1933-1954,” Acadiensis XXI,
no. 2 (Spring 1992): 14.
10 Robert Cupido, “Appropriating the
Past: Pageants, Politics, and the Diamond Jubilee of Confederation,” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 9
(1998): 155-86; Robert Cupido, “Jumping on the Bandwagon: The Political Uses of
Toronto’s Centennial Celebrations” (paper presented at the 85th Annual Meeting
of the Canadian Historical Association, York University, Toronto, ON, 29-31 May
2006); Michael Dawson, Selling British Columbia:
Tourism and Consumer Culture, 1890-1970 (Vancouver: UBC Press,
2004); Karen Dubinsky, The Second Greatest
Disappointment: Honeymooning and Tourism at Niagara Falls (Toronto:
Between the Lines, 1999); Patricia Jane Jasen, Wild
Things: Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario, 1790-1914 (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1995); McKay, In the Province of History;
Francoise Noel, “Old Home Week Celebrations as Tourism Promotion and Commemoration:
North Bay, Ontario, 1925 and 1935,” Urban History Review 37,
no. 1 (Fall 2008): 36-47; James Overton, Making a World of Difference:
Essays on Tourism, Culture and Development in Newfoundland (St.
John’s, NL: ISER Books, 1996).
11 Coates and Morgan, Heroines and History, 7.
12 David Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry: The Uses of
Tradition in the Early Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1990), 44.
13 Nelles,
Art of Nation-Building.
14 Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry, 4.
15 Ernest R. Forbes, The Maritime Rights Movement, 1919-1927: A
Study in Canadian Regionalism (Montreal & Kingston:
McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1979).
16 McKay, Quest
of the Folk, 31, 33.
17 Kentville Summer Carnival and
Grand Historic Pageant. Souvenir Programme of Events. Kentville, Nova Scotia,
August 14th, 15th, 16th, 1928 (Kentville, NS: Kentville Publishing
Co., 1928), 2. The town was founded as Horton Corners in the 1760s. In June
1794 his Royal Highness Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, who was stationed at
Halifax, journeyed to the Valley on horseback. Several years after his death,
in 1826, the inhabitants decided to rename the village Kentville. It was the
centennial of this renaming that was celebrated in 1926. See Eaton, History of Kings County, 123-4.
18 Masters was the “acknowledged
Genealogist of the Nova Scotia Masters family.” His ancestors migrated from
Connecticut and Massachusetts to Nova Scotia in 1760 and were granted lands in
Hants County that fall. See “The Masters Family,” in Eaton, History of Kings County, 744-7.
19 “Kentville’s Great Summer Carnival
a Glorious Success,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1926; “Kentville’s Summer Carnival Takes Definite Shape,” The Advertiser, 4 June 1926.
20 “Distinguished Visitors Honoured by
Great Audience,” The Advertiser,
20 August 1926.
21 “Kentville’s Great Summer Carnival
a Glorious Success,” The Advertiser,
20 August 1926.
22 Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry, 31.
23 Dr. Blair was also a supporter of
the Apple Blossom Festival. The 1934 coronation ceremony was held at the
Kentville Experimental Farm, where he assisted at the coronation of his
daughter Helen, as Queen Annapolisa II. See Harold Woodman, “The Day Dr. Blair
Blew into Town,” Kentville Town News,
April 1993; J.R. Wright, “The Station Establishment, Leadership, and Research
Program,” in Advancing Agriculture: A History, Kentville
Research Station 1911-1986 (Ottawa: Agriculture Canada, Research
Branch, 1986), 10.
24 Souvenir program, 3. H.H. Bligh
came from a long line of shipping men. After serving in the First World War,
Bligh moved to Kentville in 1920 to run the Kentville office of the family
fruit import and export business – Howard Bligh and Sons. He later founded the
British Canadian Fruit Association. See “Death Ends Career of H.H. Bligh,” Halifax Herald, 16 September 1935
and Eaton, History of Kings County, 576-7.
25 Souvenir program, 9. The Advertiser also paid for the
silver “Loving Cup,” which was presented to the Carnival Queen Miss Grace Lacey
in 1926 as well as to later queens. The trophy now sits in the Kings County
Museum in Kentville. See Mabel G. Nichols, The Devil’s Half Acre (Kentville:
Kentville Centennial Committee, 1986), 151.
26 Nowlan was a Great War veteran, a
graduate of Acadia University, and was involved in the Maritime Rights
movement. He maintained a high profile in his constituency, working on local
issues and attending various public functions and ceremonies while also
becoming involved in many voluntary organizations. He was re-elected in October
of 1928, just two months after the pageant, and it is likely that Nowlan’s
participation in the pageant contributed to his success. He played Glooscap
again in the first Apple Blossom Festival Parade in 1933. See Margaret Conrad, George Nowlan: Maritime Conservative in
National Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 33,
36.
27 The street dance, night carnival,
and fire works display on Thursday evening, for instance, were “managed by the
Olympic Chapter, I.O.D.E, co-operating with the officers and men of the
Kentville Fire Department.” See souvenir program, 16. Other organizations
included the Red Cross, the Park Commission, and the hockey club.
28 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1928; “Will Be First Historic Pageant Staged in N.S.,” The Advertiser, 5 July 1928. See
also Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry.
29 John R. Gillis, ed., Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 9.
30 Rudin, Founding
Fathers, 177.
31 The names represented were Avery,
Bigelow, Bishop, Best, Burbidge, Borden, Blanchard, Beckwith, Brown, Bentley,
Cox, Crane, Cogswell, Calkin, Caldwell, Chipman, Dennison, Dodge, Davidson,
Eaton, Fuller, Fitch, Griffin, Harris, Jordan, Martin, Masters, Moore,
Newcombe, Porter, Pineo, Rockwell, Starr, Strong, Sweet, Stuart, Turner,
Tupper, Webster, Weaver, Wickwire, and Walsh; see souvenir program. All of
these families have entries in Eaton, History of Kings County.
32 Helen embodied “The Wickwire
Family.” See Eaton, History of Kings County,
867-70.
33 “Carnival Plans Maturing Rapidly,” The Advertiser, 19 July 1928.
34 J.M.S. Careless, The Rise of Cities in Canada before 1914,
Canadian Historical Association Booklets, vol. 32 (Ottawa: Canadian Historical
Association, 1978).
35 Francoise Noel, “Old Home Week
Celebrations as Tourism, Promotion and Commemoration,” 36, 37, 45. In terms of
what happened in the United States, see Glassberg, American
Historical Pageantry, 18-21.
36 Marquis, “Celebrating Champlain in
the Loyalist City,” 33.
37 “Lieut.-Governor Tory to Open
Summer Carnival?” The Advertiser,
26 July 1928.
38 “Advertisement,” The Advertiser, 9 August 1928.
39 “Lieut.-Governor Tory to Open
Summer Carnival?” The Advertiser,
26 July 1928.
40 “Important Epoch Commemorated in
Pageantry,” The Advertiser, 19 July 1928.
41 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser, 21
June 1928. See also Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens Kentville’s Summer
Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
42 “Passenger Traffic through Yarmouth
Very Heavy: Exodus of Tourists Taxes Accommodations to Utmost — Tourists Still
Arriving,” The Advertiser, 30 August 1928.
43 Ian McKay, “Of Runic Stones and
Lockean Dreams: Life in Nova Scotia’s ‘Province of History,’ 1935-64” (paper
presented at the Historian’s Craft, York University, 18 October 2007), 16.
44 Souvenir program, 15.
45 Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens
Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle,
15 August 1928. In 1921 the population of Kentville was 2717 persons, in 1931
it was 3033, and in 1941 it was 3928. See Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census
of Canaada 1941, vol. II, Population by Local Subdivisions, Table 10.
46 “Brilliant Patriotic ‘Pageant of
the Valley’ Is Outstanding Feature of Carnival Program,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
47 “Brilliant Patriotic ‘Pageant of
the Valley’ Is Outstanding Feature of Carnival Program,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
This slick phrase suggests that the Acadians had merely moved on to greener
pastures, not that they had been forcefully deported by the military.
48 Souvenir program, 8.
49 Souvenir program, 8, 9. “Land of
Hope and Glory” is a British patriotic song, popular in the Commonwealth during
the first few decades of the 20th century. The following week, the lyrics to
the song were published in The Globe, along
with comment that “Lieutenant-Governor J. C. Tory . . . and Nova Scotians from
all parts of the Province proclaim it as one of the finest songs, from a patriotic
standpoint, that they have ever heard, and declare that it should be adopted as
the Provincial anthem for Nova Scotia.” See “Hymn to Nova Scotia,” The Globe, 21 August 1928.
50 Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens
Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle,
15 August 1928.
51 “The Finale of the Pageant,” The Advertiser, 9 August 1928.
Interestingly, there was a distinct lack of focus on Scottishness, despite Ian
McKay’s findings on the “commonsense” notion that Nova Scotia is essentially
Scottish. See McKay, “Tartanism Triumphant.”
52 “Brilliant Patriotic ‘Pageant of
the Valley’ Is Outstanding Feature of Carnival Program,” The Advertiser, 16 August 1928;
Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
53 “1928 Diary,” J.C. Tory Papers, MG
2, vol. 709, #2, Nova Scotia Archives and Records Management (NSARM).
54 G.G. Campbell, The History of Nova Scotia (Toronto:
Ryerson Press, 1948).
55 As McKay has written, for Nova
Scotian author and historian Thomas Raddall “these New England settlers and
their descendants, and a select few of the other English immigrants and
Loyalists, really are Nova Scotia, or at least constitute the parts that
count.” See McKay, “History and the Tourist Gaze,” 122.
56 R.S. Longley, “The Coming of the
New England Planters to the Annapolis Valley,” in They
Planted Well: New England Planters in Maritime Canada, ed. Margaret
Conrad (Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 1988), 14, 27-8.
57 “Distinguished Visitors Honoured by
Great Audience,” The Advertiser,
20 August 1926.
58 Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry, 19.
59 Eaton was descended from the
Massachusetts Planter David Eaton, who came to Cornwallis Township in 1761. See
“The Eaton Family,” in Eaton, History of Kings County,
648-55. Eaton himself wrote that he had “no less than five great grandfathers
and their New England wives” as ancestors. See Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton,
“Nova Scotia and Her New England People,” The Advertiser,
19 July 1928.
60 Ed Coleman, “Remembering Arthur
W.H. Eaton (1839-1937),” The Advertiser,
30 April 2004.
61 Although the script of the pageant
no longer exists, it seems as though Eaton’s History of Kings County was
used by Foster to write the pageant, especially Chapter VIII: “Kentville, the
Shire Town.”
62 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1928.
63 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1928.
64 Eaton, “Nova Scotia and Her New
England People,” The Advertiser,
19 July 1928.
65 Arthur Wentworth Hamilton Eaton,
“Puritan Planters,” The Advertiser, 9
August 1928.
66 Coates and Morgan, Heroines and History, 7.
67 The Mi’kmaw population had been in
decline since the arrival of the French centuries earlier, but Planter
settlement certainly added to their difficulties. See Virginia P. Miller,
“Aboriginal Micmac Population: A Review of the Evidence “ Ethnohistory 23, no. 2 (Spring
1982): 117-27 and Virginia P. Miller, “The Decline of the Nova Scotia Micmac
Population, A.D. 1600-1850,” Culture 2, no. 3
(1982): 107-20.
68 William Wicken, Mi’kmaq Treaties on Trial: History, Land, and
Donald Marshall Junior (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
2002). See also Daniel N. Paul, We Were Not the Savages: A
Mi’kmaq Perspective on the Collision between European and Native American
Civilizations (Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 2000).
69 Longley, “They Planted Well,” 23.
70 Marquis, “Celebrating Champlain in
the Loyalist City,” 35. By 1929 the Department of Indian Affairs reported that
there were only 1,929 people registered as status Indians in a band in the
province, and only 72 in Kings County. See Government of Canada, Annual Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the Year Ended March 31,
1929 (Ottawa: King’s Printer, 1929). Of course these numbers were
not always, or even often, accurate.
71 S. Elizabeth Bird, Dressing in Feathers: The Construction of the
Indian in American Popular Culture (Boulder, CO: Westview Press,
1996); Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).
72 Noel, “Old Home Week Celebrations
as Tourism, Promotion and Commemoration,” 40.
73 Marquis, “Celebrating Champlain in
the Loyalist City,” 34.
74 Nelles, Art
of Nation-Building, 172-81. Nelles notes that the Natives were the
only paid actors in the pageant – all others were volunteers (174-5).
75 Rudin, Founding
Fathers, 210-11, 225.
76 Peter Geller, “‘Hudson’s Bay
Company Indians’: Images of Native People and the Red River Pageant, 1920,” in Dressing in Feathers, 65-78.
77 Daniel Francis, “Chapter 5:
Performing Indians,”, in Francis, The Imaginary Indian: The
Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp
Press, 1992), 87-108.
78 Souvenir program, 6.
79 Caron, “Se souvenir de l’Acadie d’antan,”
62, 60
80 Rudin, Remembering
and Forgetting in Acadie.
81 Prior to their arrival, in 1775,
three-quarters of the population of Nova Scotia were New Englanders. See George
A. Rawlyk, “The American Revolution and Nova Scotia Reconsidered,” Dalhousie Review 43, no. 3 (Autumn
1963): 379.
82 He writes that “the complete
history of the Loyalist migration to Nova Scotia between 1776 and 1784 remains
yet unwritten.” See Eaton, History of Kings County,
106.
83 John Bartlet Brebner, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal
Colony During the Revolutionary Years (New York: Columbia
University Press 1937), 24.
84 Neil MacKinnon, This Unfriendly Soil: The Loyalist Experience
in Nova Scotia, 1783-1791 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s
University Press, 1986), 101.
86 Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens
Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle,
15 August 1928.
87 See Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in
the Colonial Contest (New York: Routledge, 1995).
88 Longley, “They Planted Well,” 26.
Longley notes that on one of the first ships to land in 1760, the Charming Molly, there were 31 men
and 2 women, as most of the men had left their wives at home until they had
prepared living quarters for their families.
89 Bonnie Huskins, “The Ceremonial
Space of Women: Public Processions in Victorian Saint John and Halifax,” in Separate Spheres: Women’s World in the
Nineteenth-Century Maritimes, ed. Janet Guildford and Suzanne
Morton (Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 1994), 153. See also Craig Heron and
Steven Penfold, The Workers’ Festival: A History of Labour Day
in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 72-6.
90 Glassberg, American Historical Pageantry, 18.
91 For more on the woman warrior
tradition, see Coates and Morgan, Heroines and History,
24-7.
92 Marina Warner, Joan of Arc: The Image of Female Heroism (Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), 205-6.
93 Helen Lovitt Wickwire was born in
Kentville on 20 June 1906. She married Norval R. Waddington from Toronto and
died soon after in Toronto on 11 August 1935.
94 “Biographical Sketch,” in A Guide to the Dr. Eva Mader MacDonald
Collection, Dalhousie University Archives.
95 “Kentville Elects Province’s First
Woman Mayor,” The Register (Berwick, NS), 7
February 1946. Richardson married Henry Wyman Porter. Porter’s father, W.E.
Porter, was mayor of Kentville until 1912. H.W. Porter wrote the article about
the pageant that were published in the Halifax Chronicle.
See Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle, 15 August 1928.
96 Library and Archives Canada,
“Gladys Muriel Porter,” in Celebrating Women’s
Achievement: Canadian Women in Government,” http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/women/002026-841-e.html.
97 Souvenir program, 7-8.
98 For instance, carnival secretary
Clifford Baker’s son George acted as one of the “Railway Section Men” at the
age of ten. See author’s personal communication with Mr. George Baker,
Kentville, NS, 14 February 2008.
99 Warner, Joan
of Arc, 218-36.
100 Souvenir program, 10-11. In her
work on 19th-century parades in the Maritimes, Bonnie Huskins discusses how
women often worked behind the scenes as stage hands, sewing costumes, and
decorating floats. See Huskins, “The Ceremonial Space of Women,” 148.
101 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1928.
102 Photos, Helen Creighton Fonds,
1987-178, no. 252, 253, NSARM. For more on Helen Creighton, see chap. 2, “Helen
Creighton and the Rise of Folklore,” in McKay, Quest
of the Folk, 43-151.
103 “Historic Pageant to Be Feature
Event of Mammoth Carnival,” The Advertiser,
21 June 1928; “Will Be First Historic Pageant Staged in N.S.,” The Advertiser, July 5 1928.
104 “Kentville Summer Carnival
Results in Small Financial Loss to Guarantors,” The
Advertiser, 30 August 1928. Foster’s reputation as a talented
director seems to have only improved after the Kentville pageant. In 1930, she
wrote and directed “Onward: An Historic Pageant of Nova Scotia,” which was put
on by the Young Professional and Business Women’s Club of Halifax. The
following year, she directed a show for the Commercial Club of Halifax at the
Capital Theatre, and it seems that soon after that she married Bernard Russell,
also of Halifax, and left Nova Scotia for New York City. Although she continued
to live in New York, she did return to Kentville in 1933 to direct the pageant
for the first Apple Blossom Festival. That production illustrated the history
of the apple, from its sinful role in the Garden of Eden to its present
celebrated position as the main industry in the Annapolis Valley. See “Blossom
Festival Proves Outstanding Achievement,” Halifax Herald Tourist
Edition, 7 June 1933; Daisy Foster, Onward:
An Historic Pageant of Nova Scotia. At Fraser Memorial Hall on Thursday, Friday
and Saturday May 15th, 16th and 17th, 1930 (Halifax: Young
Professional and Business Women’s Club of Halifax, 1930); and Mary Smith,
“People, Place, and Performance: Early Years of the Halifax Academy of Music,” Dalhousie Review 75, no. 3 (Winter
1996): 409-39.
105 Yvonne Hodkinson, Female Part : The Art and Politics of Women
Playwrights (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1991), 8-9. See also Kym
Bird, Redressing the Past: The Politics of Early
English-Canadian Women’s Drama, 1880-1920 (Montreal and Kingston:
McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2004); Cecilia Morgan, “Staging Empire,
Nation, and Gender: Catherine Nina Merritt and Imperial Pageantry, Southern
Ontario, 1890s-1910s” (paper presented at the 83rd Annual Meeting of the
Canadian Historical Association, Winnipeg, Manitoba, 3-5 June 2004).
106 Souvenir program, 11.
Incidentally, Mayor Crosby had worked for the company for decades, and later
returned to the railway to work as a conductor after his term of mayor was
over. See Ed Coleman, “Money and Men of the Old Railway,” The Advertiser, 27 October 2007 and
Marguerite Woodworth, History of the Dominion
Atlantic Railway (Kentville, NS: Kentville Publishing Co., 1936).
107 Woodworth, History of the Dominion Atlantic Railway,
115-16.
108 Starting in 1900, they also
offered a steamship from Boston to Yarmouth and subsequently a Pullman car ride
through the Valley to Halifax. See Dominion Atlantic Railway, Boston and the Maritime Provinces: Dominion
Atlantic Railway, Evangeline Route, Superb Nineteen Knot Electric-Lighted Twin
Screw Steamship Service and Pullman Palace Car Flying Bluenose Expresses Via
Yarmouth: Shortest Quickest Route between Boston and Halifax, St. John, N.B.,
Evangeline’s Land and Cape Breton (New York: J. Polhemus, 1900).
109 See, for instance, Acadian Trails in the Nova Scotian Summer Land:
“Land of Evangeline Route.” A Short sketch of Grand Pre Park and Acadian
Memorial Hall in the heart of Evangeline Country (Halifax: Dominion
Atlantic Railway, 1924); Vacation Days in Nova Scotia:
The Land of Evangeline Route (Boston: Boston & Yarmouth
Steamship Co. and Dominion Atlantic Railway, 1927).
110 Margaret Conrad, “Apple Blossom
Time in the Annapolis Valley 1880-1957,” Acadiensis IX,
no. 2 (Spring 1980): 15. See also Willard V. Longley, “Some Economic Aspects of
the Apple Industry in Nova Scotia” (PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 1931)
and N.H. Morse, “An Economic History of the Apple Industry in the Annapolis
Valley in Nova Scotia” (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1952).
111 Eaton, History of Kings County, 195.
112 Conrad, “Apple Blossom Time in
the Annapolis Valley,” 16.
113 R.H. Whitbeck, “A Geographical
Study of Nova Scotia,” Bulletin of the American
Geographical Society 46, no. 6 (June 1914): 415.
114 Production between 1910 and 1914
averaged about 2.8 million bushels, but dropped to an annual average of 2
million bushels between 1915 and 1918. Production soon recovered, though, with
almost 5 million bushels harvested in 1919. See Conrad, “Apple Blossom Time in
the Annapolis Valley,” 17-18. See also Anne Hutten, Valley
Gold: The Story of the Apple Industry in Nova Scotia (Halifax, NS:
Petheric Press, 1981).
115 Harold Woodman, A Pictorial History of the Apple Blossom
Festival (Hantsport, NS: Lancelot Press, 1992). Interestingly,
between 1880 and 1970, the year that produced the highest yield of apples was
1933, with over 8.2 million bushels. This was also the first year of the Apple
Blossom Festival. See Conrad, “Apple Blossom Time in the Annapolis Valley,” 18,
27. According to the current festival website, “although the sweet scent of
apple blossoms has wafted over the Annapolis Valley of Nova Scotia for almost
400 years, it was only in the early 1930s that it was recognized as a resource,
and that something should be done to exploit it.” See Apple Blossom Festival
Committee, “A History of the Apple Blossom Festival,” http://www.appleblossom.com/History.asp
as well as Nova Scotia Fruit Growers Association, “Nova Scotia Apples,” http://www.nsapples.com/index.htm.
116 Eaton, History of Kings County, 190-1.
117 Apple Blossom Festival Committee,
“A History of the Apple Blossom Festival.”
118 Hutten, Valley Gold, 20-3.
119 Eaton, History of Kings County, 206. Ralph
S. Eaton was Arthur W.H. Eaton’s cousin.
120 Conrad explains that “it was a
source of great pride to the inhabitants of Kings County that, within a 25-mile
radius of the shire town of Kentville, 75% of all Nova Scotia apples grown for
export were produced.” See Conrad, “Apple Blossom Time in the Annapolis
Valley,” 19.
121 Porter, “Brilliant Pageant Opens
Kentville’s Summer Carnival,” Halifax Chronicle,
15 August 1928.
122 “Kentville Summer Carnival
Results in Small Financial Loss to Guarantors,” The
Advertiser, 30 August 1928.
123 Nelles, Art of Nation-Building, 11.
124 McKay, Quest of the Folk, 37.
Acadiensis. ISSN: 00445851
----
------------
---------------
GETCHA #Nova
Scotia on- come2 #AnnapolisValleyFestival
... all ages welcomed Apple Blossom Festival Kentville
--------------------
------------------------------------
#CanadianSoldier #WomensDay2017 DESCRIPTION OF:
The Canadian Soldier –
"He is profane and irreverent, living as he does in a
world full of capriciousness, frustration and disillusionment. He is perhaps
the best-educated of his kind in history, but will rarely accord respect on the
basis of mere degrees or titles. He speaks his own dialect, often
incomprehensible to the layman.
He can be cold,
cruel, even brutal and is frequently insensitive. Killing is his profession and
he strives very hard to become even more skilled at it. His model is the grey,
muddy, hard-eyed slayer who took the untakeable at Vimy Ridge, endured the
unendurable in the Scheldt and held the unholdable at Kapyong. He is a
superlative practical diplomat; his efforts have brought peace to countless
countries around the world. He is capable of astonishing acts of kindness,
warmth and generosity. He will give you his last sip of water on a parched day
and his last food to a hungry child; he will give his very life for the society
he loves.
Danger and horror
are his familiars and his sense of humour is accordingly sardonic. What the
unknowing take as callousness is his defence against the unimaginable; he
whistles through a career filled with graveyards.
His ethos is one
of self-sacrifice and duty. He is sinfully proud of himself, of his unit and of
his country and he is unique in that his commitment to his society is Total. No
other trade or profession dreams of demanding such of its members and none
could successfully try.
He loves his
family dearly, sees them all too rarely and as often as not loses them to the
demands of his profession. Loneliness is the price he accepts for the privilege
of serving.
He accounts
discomfort as routine and the search for personal gain as beneath him; he has
neither understanding of nor patience for those motivated by self-interest,
politics or money. His loyalty can be absolute, but it must be purchased.
Paradoxically, the only coin accepted for that payment is also loyalty.
He devours life
with big bites, knowing that each bite might be his last and his manners suffer
thereby. He would rather die regretting the things he did than the ones he
dared not try. He earns a good wage by most standards and, given the demands on
him, is woefully underpaid.
He can be
arrogant, thoughtless and conceited, but will spend himself, sacrifice
everything for total strangers in places he cannot even pronounce. He considers
political correctness a podium for self-righteous fools, but will die fighting
for the rights of anyone he respects or pities.
He is a
philosopher and a drudge, an assassin and a philanthropist, a servant and a
leader, a disputer and a mediator, a Nobel Laureate peacekeeper and the Queen's
Hitman, a brawler and a healer, best friend and worst enemy. He is a rock, a
goat, a fool, a sage, a drunk, a provider, a cynic and a romantic dreamer.
Above it all, he is a hero for our time. You, pale stranger, sleep well at
night only because he exists for you, the citizen who has never met him, has
perhaps never thought of him and may even despise him. He is both your child
and your guardian. His devotion to you is unwavering.
He is a Canadian
soldier."
By Unknown
--------------------------------
--------------------
@nova0000scotia
------------------
ED COLEMAN: Bob Palmeter's #BlossomTime China #NovaScotia #AppleBlossom #Kentville #AnnapolisValley #Canada150
-------------------
On May 29, 1981, during
the celebration of the 50th Apple Blossom. Festival, the Nova Scotia Fruit Growers' Association opened the Blair. House museum to
... and display the history of
the apple growing industry and of the Research. Station. The Blair House Museum,
located on the Kentville Agricultural. Centre grounds ...
All About
N.S. Apples
Eating and Cooking
| Apple
AttractionsApple Attractions
Apple Blossom Festival | Nova Scotia Tourism | Annapolis Valley Tourism | Farm Markets, Orchards and U-picks | Valley Gold | Museum | Nova Scotia's Apple Capital | Prescott House | Time Line
The Blair House Museum
On May 29, 1981, during the celebration of the 50th Apple Blossom
Festival, the Nova Scotia Fruit Growers' Association opened the Blair
House museum to the public. The museum was created to preserve
and display the history of the apple growing industry and of the Research
Station. The Blair House Museum, located on the Kentville Agricultural
Centre grounds, offers both an interesting and educational look at the
history of the apple industry in Nova Scotia, as well as the modern
research being performed at the Kentville Agricultural Centre.
The museum was named after the station's first superintendent, Dr. William Saxby Blair. Constructed in 1911, the house served as the superintendents' residence until 1979. The house was built to accommodate more than a single family. In addition to the living quarters, one room served as the station office, and there were a spare living room, extra bedroom and bathroom for visitors from Ottawa.
The NSFGA wing of the museum tells the history of the apple industry in Nova Scotia through numerous pictures, stories and artifacts. Apple barrel making tools, apple baskets, apple peelers and even an old sprayer, show how things were done over a half-century ago. The collection includes an original Scotian Gold Cider jug, a pictorial demonstration of apple barrel making, and a peek inside a turn-of-the-century apple evaporating plant.
Featuring informative photos and scientific instruments, the Agriculture Canada wing offers a look at both past and present research performed at the station. One room delves into the history of the scientific research at the station by means of photos and original equipment from each area of study. Enjoy the history of an old camera, balance scales, and microscopes. A second room boasts new and colourful pictures that show the current research being done on the grounds. All these rooms complement each other in a way that offers visitors a well-rounded look at the apple industry - past and present.
--------------------------
[PDF]
https://qspace.library.queensu.ca/.../oldacadiainnovas00sldo.pdf?... - Cached
Grand Pre, in the Land of
Evangeline, Nova Scotia. Here, in the morning ... there and the land in all its original
fertility; even apple trees and willows which they ...
-------------------
https://archive.org/.../collectionsofnov18novauoft/ collectionsofnov18novauoft_djvu.txt - Cached
- Similar
Books of all kinds,
especially such as relate to Canadian history, travel, and biography ... Upon the passing
of this act the property o* the said Nova Scotia Historical Society, .... Chesley, A. E. H., (Kentville, N. S.)
Chesley, Judge S. A., K. C., (Lunenburg, .....
Governor, regarding the original journal of Charles Mason, who with ...
---------------------------------
Kentville
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kentville | ||
---|---|---|
Town | ||
Centretown Kentville
| ||
| ||
Motto: "Magna E Parva" | ||
Location of Kentville, Nova Scotia | ||
Coordinates: 45°04′39″N 64°29′45″W / 45.07750°N 64.49583°WCoordinates: 45°04′39″N 64°29′45″W / 45.07750°N 64.49583°W | ||
Country | Canada | |
Province | Nova Scotia | |
County | Kings County | |
Incorporated | May 1, 1886 | |
Electoral Districts Federal | Kings-Hants | |
Provincial | Kings North | |
Government | ||
• Type | Town Council | |
• Mayor | Sandra Snow | |
• MLA | John Lohr (PC) | |
• MP | Scott Brison (Lib) | |
Area (2016)[1] | ||
• Land | 17.26 km2 (6.66 sq mi) | |
• Urban | 17.84 km2 (6.89 sq mi) | |
• Metro | 609.76 km2 (235.43 sq mi) | |
Elevation | 31 m (102 ft) | |
Population (2016)[1] | ||
• Town | 6,271 | |
• Density | 363.3/km2 (941/sq mi) | |
• Urban | 12,088 | |
• Urban density | 677.7/km2 (1,755/sq mi) | |
• Metro | 26,222 | |
• Metro density | 43.0/km2 (111/sq mi) | |
• Change (2011-16) | 2.9 | |
• Census Ranking | 609 of 5,162 | |
Time zone | AST (UTC-4) | |
• Summer (DST) | ADT (UTC-3) | |
Postal code(s) | B4N | |
Area code(s) |
| |
Dwellings | 2,891 | |
Median Income* | $44,164 CDN | |
Website | kentville.ca | |
|
Contents
History
Kentville owes its location to the Cornwallis River which downstream from Kentville becomes a large tidal river. Kentville was the limit of navigation of sailing ships and more importantly was the most accessible crossing place on the river. The ford and later the bridge at Kentville made the settlement an important crossroads for settlements in the Annapolis Valley.Acadian settlement
The area was first settled by Acadians, who built many dykes along the river to keep the high Bay of Fundy tides out of their farmland. These dykes created the ideal fertile soil that the Annapolis Valley is known for. The Acadians were expelled from the area in the Bay of Fundy Campaign (1755) by the British authorities because they would not swear allegiance to the British King. The area was then settled by New England Planters. Settlement was expedited by the United Empire Loyalists during the American Revolution.English settlement
The town was originally known as Horton's Corner, but was named Kentville in 1826 after Prince Edward Augustus, Duke of Kent (son of King George III and father of Queen Victoria), who resided in Nova Scotia from 1794-1800. The village was at first relatively small and dwarfed by larger valley towns with better harbours such as Canning and Wolfville. The crossroads location did attract early shopkeepers and several stagecoach inns. Small schooners were able to land cargos in the "Klondyke" neighhourhood by the Cornwallis River which marked the height of navigation.[2] Kentville developed a reputation for rowdy drinking and horseraces in the early 19th century, earning the nickname "the Devil's half acre."Growth
When the Windsor and Annapolis Railway (later named Dominion Atlantic Railway) established its headquarters in Kentville in 1868 and began shipping Annapolis Valley apples to British markets, the community began to thrive. The railway not only employed a large number of people, up to a third of the town's population, but also attracted other industries such as mills, dairies, a large foundry, and a carriage works which even entered automobile production. A branchline of the Dominion Atlantic, the Cornwallis Valley Railway, was built north to Canning and Kingsport in 1889 furthering developing the apple industry and creating a suburban line for workers, shoppers and schoolchildren to commute to Kentville. The railway also attracted large institutional developments such as a large regional TB hospital, the Kentville Sanitorium, a federal agricultural research station, and an army training base at Camp Aldershot.The town became a major travel centre highlighted by the large Cornwallis Inn built at the town's centre by the railway. The town boomed during World War I and World War II with heavy wartime railway traffic on the Dominion Atlantic and the training of thousands of troops at Camp Aldershot. Many residents fought overseas in the local West Nova Scotia Regiment as well as other branches of service. A Royal Canadian Navy minesweeper HMCS Kentville was named after the town and her crew often took leave in Kentville.
Post war challenges
Kentville faced serious challenges after World War II. The dominant apple industry suffered severe declines due to the loss of its British export market. The nearby military training base at Camp Aldershot was significantly downsized and the town's major employer, the Dominion Atlantic Railway suffered serious declines with the collapse of the apple industry and the growth of highway travel. Further decline followed in the 1970s as the town lost its retail core to the growth of shopping malls and later "big box" stores in nearby New Minas. The town was also eclipsed in restaurant, upscale retail and cultural institutions by the nearby university town of Wolfville. Kentville lost many heritage buildings in the postwar period and is one of the only towns in Nova Scotia without a single designated heritage building. Major losses included the large railway station, one of the most historic in Canada which was demolished in 1990. In July 2007 the town demolished the last railway structure in town, the DAR Roundhouse, despite a province-wide protest, a move which earned the Town of Kentville a place on the "2008 Worst" List of the Heritage Canada Foundation.[3]Demographics
Kentville's 2011 population of 6,094 people reflects a modest population growth of 4.6% which has been lower than Kings County as a whole (7.1%) but slightly higher than the provincial average (3.0%).[7] Kentville's own population however is closely integrated with adjacent communities of Coldbrook and New Minas making for a combined population of 14,613 and forming part of the fast-growing area of eastern Kings County with an overall population of 25,969. The median household income in 2005 for Kentville was $44,164, which is below the Nova Scotia provincial average of $46,605.[8]
Industries
During the early part of the 20th century Kentville emerged as the business centre of Kings County and despite the post-war loss of commerce to other valley communities, it remains the professional centre of the Annapolis Valley. Kentville is home to numerous professional services such as lawyers offices, doctors, and investment firms. On the outskirts of the town is the Valley Regional Hospital, built in 1991. The town is also home to the Annapolis Valley Regional Industrial Park which employs numerous people in the area through a variety of different businesses.Agriculture, especially fruit crops such as apples, remain a prominent industry in the Kentville area, and throughout the eastern part of the valley. Kentville is home to one of the largest agricultural research facilities in Nova Scotia founded in 1911, known to the locals as The Research Station. The site now employs over 200 people and sits on 473 acres (1.91 km2) of the land at the east end of the town.
Kentville shares its northern boundary along the Cornwallis River with Camp Aldershot, a military training base founded in 1904. At its peak during World War II, the camp housed approximately 7000 soldiers. Kentville native Donald Ripley wrote a book chronicling Camp Aldershot and its effect on the town entitled On The Home Front.[9] Today the camp functions as an army reserve training centre and is the headquarters of The West Nova Scotia Regiment.
Electric utility (sold 1997)
Kentville until 1997-8 was one of seven Nova Scotia towns (along with Riverport, Berwick, Canso, Antigonish, Lunenburg and Mahone Bay) to own its own electricity distribution utility within town limits - the Kentville Electric Commission. When the other six joined into the Municipal Electric Utilities of Nova Scotia in January 1998,[2] Kentville instead sold its utility to Nova Scotia Power, a privately owned generator and distributor whose service area covered the rest of the province.Community events
The Apple Blossom Festival, founded in 1933 is held each May to celebrate the blossoming of local apple industry, one of the region's richest forms of agriculture. The festival is centered primarily in Kentville, with some events in other towns in the Annapolis Valley. The biggest event is the Grand Street Parade, lasting about 2 hours, and made up of floats from local businesses, and organizations and community groups, which makes the parade one of the largest in Canada. The annual fireworks display is also held on the same weekend, generally after the Coronation of Queen Annapolisa on Friday evening.Kentville is also well known for its Pumpkin People, a series of displays of straw people with pumpkins for heads are set up throughout the town during the month of October, drawing thousands of visitors to the town to pose with and grab pictures of the unique, themed pumpkin displays.
Emergency services
The town of Kentville is served by its own municipal police force, the Kentville Police Service, which is made up of up four patrol platoons that provide 24-hour police service to the town as well as an investigative branch and administrative personnel. The police service is housed in one central station located on River Street. Fire services in the town are provided by the Kentville Volunteer Fire Department. The department has 50 volunteer members, and operates with 7 pieces of modern fire apparatus from one central station on Main Street. In addition to providing fire & emergency services to the residents of Kentville the department is responsible for responding to emergencies in a large area of Kings County and handles an average on 400 calls for service per year, the department provides a number of specialized services as well including Hazardous Materials response, high angle rescue, cold water rescue, medical first response & vehicle extrication. Emergency medical services as in all areas of Nova Scotia are provided by Emergency Health Services which operates a paramedic base in Kentville with a total of 4 ambulances.Climate
Kentville experiences a humid continental climate (Dfb). The highest temperature ever recorded in Kentville was 37.8 °C (100 °F) on 12 August 1944.[10] The coldest temperature ever recorded was −31.1 °C (−24 °F) on 1 February 1920.[10]Climate data for Kentville CDA, 1981–2010 normals,[a] extremes 1913–present | |||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Month | Jan | Feb | Mar | Apr | May | Jun | Jul | Aug | Sep | Oct | Nov | Dec | Year |
Record high °C (°F) | 18.1 (64.6) | 17.3 (63.1) | 25.7 (78.3) | 30.1 (86.2) | 32.5 (90.5) | 35.0 (95) | 36.1 (97) | 37.8 (100) | 33.8 (92.8) | 28.3 (82.9) | 22.5 (72.5) | 18.5 (65.3) | 37.8 (100) |
Average high °C (°F) | −1.2 (29.8) | −0.4 (31.3) | 3.5 (38.3) | 9.7 (49.5) | 16.5 (61.7) | 21.8 (71.2) | 25.2 (77.4) | 24.7 (76.5) | 20.2 (68.4) | 13.7 (56.7) | 7.9 (46.2) | 2.1 (35.8) | 12.0 (53.6) |
Daily mean °C (°F) | −5.3 (22.5) | −4.7 (23.5) | −0.8 (30.6) | 5.2 (41.4) | 11.1 (52) | 16.3 (61.3) | 19.8 (67.6) | 19.3 (66.7) | 15.2 (59.4) | 9.4 (48.9) | 4.3 (39.7) | −1.5 (29.3) | 7.4 (45.3) |
Average low °C (°F) | −9.4 (15.1) | −8.9 (16) | −5.0 (23) | 0.6 (33.1) | 5.7 (42.3) | 10.7 (51.3) | 14.2 (57.6) | 13.9 (57) | 10.2 (50.4) | 4.9 (40.8) | 0.7 (33.3) | −5.2 (22.6) | 2.7 (36.9) |
Record low °C (°F) | −30.6 (−23.1) | −31.1 (−24) | −27.8 (−18) | −15.0 (5) | −6.7 (19.9) | −1.7 (28.9) | 2.8 (37) | 2.2 (36) | −3.3 (26.1) | −8.3 (17.1) | −16.1 (3) | −25.6 (−14.1) | −31.1 (−24) |
Average precipitation mm (inches) | 116.1 (4.571) | 101.3 (3.988) | 109.8 (4.323) | 92.7 (3.65) | 102.1 (4.02) | 81.6 (3.213) | 84.0 (3.307) | 76.7 (3.02) | 84.4 (3.323) | 89.0 (3.504) | 121.5 (4.783) | 122.0 (4.803) | 1,181.2 (46.504) |
Average rainfall mm (inches) | 50.8 (2) | 46.3 (1.823) | 67.1 (2.642) | 73.8 (2.906) | 97.3 (3.831) | 81.6 (3.213) | 84.0 (3.307) | 76.7 (3.02) | 84.4 (3.323) | 89.0 (3.504) | 108.9 (4.287) | 70.9 (2.791) | 930.8 (36.646) |
Average snowfall cm (inches) | 71.4 (28.11) | 59.2 (23.31) | 45.2 (17.8) | 17.2 (6.77) | 4.0 (1.57) | 0.0 (0) | 0.0 (0) | 0.0 (0) | 0.0 (0) | 0.0 (0) | 12.9 (5.08) | 53.1 (20.91) | 263.0 (103.54) |
Average precipitation days (≥ 0.2 mm) | 17.5 | 14.8 | 13.6 | 13.9 | 14.1 | 12.6 | 11.7 | 10.9 | 11.0 | 13.6 | 15.7 | 17.2 | 166.6 |
Average rainy days (≥ 0.2 mm) | 6.9 | 5.5 | 7.8 | 12.1 | 14.0 | 12.6 | 11.7 | 10.9 | 11.0 | 13.6 | 13.9 | 9.0 | 129.0 |
Average snowy days (≥ 0.2 cm) | 13.1 | 11.6 | 8.3 | 3.6 | 0.31 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 2.9 | 10.7 | 50.5 |
Mean monthly sunshine hours | 77.8 | 101.6 | 133.0 | 156.5 | 198.9 | 214.0 | 234.8 | 225.9 | 178.4 | 141.3 | 78.6 | 65.0 | 1,805.7 |
Percent possible sunshine | 27.3 | 34.6 | 36.0 | 38.7 | 43.2 | 45.9 | 49.7 | 51.8 | 47.3 | 41.5 | 27.3 | 23.7 | 38.9 |
Source: Environment Canada[10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17] |
Famous residents
(From in or near Kentville, including the former Township of Cornwallis)- Composer Robert Aitken
- Former NHLer Jerry Byers
- Actor Peter Donat
- Inventor of kerosene Abraham Gesner
- Comedian Jay Malone
- Linguist Silas Tertius Rand
- Zoologist Austin L. Rand
- Boxer Bryan Gibson
- CFL All Canadian Bruce Beaton
- Blue Man Group member Scott Bishop [18]
- Blues Guitarist Dutch Mason
- Filmmaker Dylan Mohan Gray
- Author Maria Mutch
Education
Education in the area is serviced by Kings County Academy in Kentville, serving grades primary through eight, the local high school is Northeast Kings Education Centre, located 15–20 minutes away in Canning. There are also several post secondary institutions, the Kingstec campus of the Nova Scotia Community College is located on the northern fringe of the town and Acadia University[3], is located in nearby Wolfville. The town operates a library and [email protected] site. Kentville is also home to the Kings County Museum, located in Kentville's old courthouse.Recreation
Kentville also boasts a number of high quality recreational facilities. The Kentville Arena (now the Kentville Centennial Arena) is thought to have hosted the first ever summer ice hockey school. The town also houses a large indoor soccer arena and numerous other outdoor baseball and soccer fields, and playgrounds for local children. Kentville Memorial Park (considered to be one of the best baseball parks in Canada east of Montreal) is home to the Kentville Wildcats, a senior baseball team, who have won several NSSBL championships and one Canadian championship.Sister city
See also
References
- ^ a b c "Population and dwelling counts, for Canada, provinces and territories, and census subdivisions (municipalities), 2016 and 2011 censuses – 100% data (Nova Scotia)". Statistics Canada. February 8, 2017. Retrieved February 12, 2017.
- ^ Louis V. Comeau, Historic Kentville Halifax: Nimbus Publishing (2003) p. 83
- ^ Heritage Canada Foundation 2008 Worst List Archived May 13, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Census 1956-1961 Archived August 22, 2016, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "2001 Census of Canada Nova Scotia Perspective" (pdf). Nova Scotia Department of Finance Statistics Division. 2002. Retrieved November 27, 2014.
- ^ [1]
- ^ Clairmont, Lynda; Thomson, Anthony (1990). "Kentville Police Service: Structure and Organization". Atlantic Institute of Criminology, Occasional Paper Series. Retrieved November 27, 2014.[dead link]
- ^ "Kentville, Nova Scotia - Detailed City Profile". Retrieved September 9, 2009.
- ^ Ripley, Donald: "On the Home Front: Wartime Life in Camp Aldershot and Kentville, N. S." Halifax: Nimbus, 1991 http://www.fnsh.ns.ca/news_sept04_centennial.html
- ^ a b c "Kentville CDA, Nova Scotia". Canadian Climate Normals 1981–2010. Environment Canada. Retrieved 9 May 2015.
- ^ "Kentville CDA CS, Nova Scotia". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
- ^ "December 2008". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
- ^ "April 2009". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
- ^ "September 2010". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
- ^ "March 2012". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 27 June 2015.
- ^ "Daily Data Report for February 2016". Canadian Climate Data. Environment Canada. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
- ^ "Kentville cda cs". Canadian Climate Normals 1981–2010. Environment Canada. Retrieved 17 February 2017.
- ^ "Interview: The Blueman Group's Scott Bishop". blogTO.
- The Devil's Half Acre: A Look at Kentville's Past Mable Nichols, Kentville Centennial Committee, 1968.
- Historic Kentville Louis V. Comeau, Nimbus, 2003.
- ^ Temperature normals are averaged from Kentville CDA for the period 1981–1996 and Kentville CDA CS for the period 1996–2007.
External links
- Town of Kentville Official Site
- Kings County Museum
This page is based on the copyrighted Wikipedia article "Kentville"; it is used under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License (CC-BY-SA). You may redistribute it, verbatim or modified, providing that you comply with the terms of the CC-BY-SA
http://hitchhikersgui.de/Kentville
----
Thx Louis comeau -
1-Apple Blossom Parade #Kentville #novascotia #canada 1935
2-Work in #KentvilleRailroad yard #NovaScotia #Canada 1872
3 #Kentville Railroad Staion1916
4 Kentville New LIbrary will be completed for Apple Blossom much to 6,000 grateful members #AppleBlossomParade - Kentville Nova Scotia - all are welcome
1-Apple Blossom Parade #Kentville #novascotia #canada 1935
2-Work in #KentvilleRailroad yard #NovaScotia #Canada 1872
3 #Kentville Railroad Staion1916
4 Kentville New LIbrary will be completed for Apple Blossom much to 6,000 grateful members #AppleBlossomParade - Kentville Nova Scotia - all are welcome
CANADA 150
Dominion Atlantic Railway Traffic Rules and Regulations
C.R.C., c. 1378
CANADA TRANSPORTATION ACT
The Dominion Atlantic Railway Company Traffic Rules And Regulations (By-Law Number 17)
Short Title
1 These Rules and Regulations may be cited as the Dominion Atlantic Railway Traffic Rules and Regulations.
General
2 No
person shall travel in any of the company’s trains without having
obtained from the company, or from some other company or person duly
authorized in that behalf by the company, a ticket entitling him to
travel therein.
3 Every
passenger shall show his ticket or his ticket receipt, when and so
often as he shall be required to do so to the conductor or any duly
authorized servant of the company, and shall also, when required to do
so, either deliver up his ticket or pay the fare demandable for his
passage.
4 Every
passenger who refuses to pay his fare, or produce and deliver up his
ticket upon the request of the conductor, may, by the conductor of the
train and the train servants of the company, be expelled from and put
out of the train with his baggage at any usual stopping place, provided
that the conductor shall first stop the train and use no unnecessary
force.
5 No
person shall alter or deface any ticket after it has been issued and
while it is available for use, or attempt to use any ticket which has
been altered or defaced.
6 No
person, except a servant or agent of the company in the performance of
his duty, shall open any vestibule door or stand upon the steps or
platform of any car while it is in motion, or entrain on or detrain
from, or attempt to entrain on or detrain from any such car while it is
in motion, and no person shall travel or be in any baggage car or other
car not intended for the conveyance of passengers.
7 Passengers
and all other persons using the trains, stations or other premises
occupied by the company, shall obey the reasonable requests of the
station master, conductor or other officer of the company, with a view
to maintaining order and decorum therein and thereon.
8 No
passenger shall occupy more seat space in any car than is sufficient
for one person, or place baggage or articles of any kind upon the seats
to the exclusion or inconvenience of other passengers, or in the aisles
or vestibules, or place any unreasonably bulky or heavy parcel in the
parcel racks.
9 Except
by permission of a duly authorized officer of the company, and under
such conditions as such officer shall impose, no person suffering or
apparently suffering from any infectious or contagious disease or
disorder shall enter or remain, and no person having the custody, care
or charge of any such person shall cause or permit such person to enter
or remain in or upon any train, station or other premises occupied by
the company.
10 No
person in a state of intoxication or in an unfit or improper condition
to be a passenger shall enter or remain in or upon any train, station or
other premises occupied by the company, and any person violating this
section may, in addition to any other liability thereby incurred, be
forthwith removed from such train, station or other premises occupied by
the company.
11 No
person shall at any time while in or upon trains, stations or other
premises occupied by the company, use any threatening, abusive,
indecent, profane or offensive language or gestures or behave in an
abusive, disorderly, indecent or offensive manner, or commit any
nuisance, or molest or otherwise interfere with the comfort or
convenience of any person upon the company’s premises, and any person
violating this section may, in addition to any liability thereby
incurred, be forthwith removed from such train, station or other
premises occupied by the company.
12 Except
by permission of an officer or employee of the company duly authorized
in that regard and under such conditions as such officer or such
employee shall impose, no person shall take any dog, bird, reptile or
other animal or any article or thing which is liable to cause
inconvenience or annoyance to any passenger or damage to property into
any station or into any car or vehicle upon the railway.
13 No
person shall take into any station or any car or vehicle upon the
railway any loaded firearm, or any inflammable, corrosive or offensive
article, substance or matter, or any article, substance or matter liable
to explode or to become dangerous to any passenger or property.
14 No
person shall smoke in any station or in any car or portion of any
station or car not provided for smoking, or in or upon any part of the
railway where smoking is expressly prohibited by the company, or
elsewhere in or upon the railway if requested by any servant or agent of
the company not to do so.
15 No
person shall throw or drop from any car or vehicle upon the railway any
article or thing capable of injuring, damaging or endangering any
person or property.
16 No
person shall write obscene or offensive words, or make signs or
pictures on the walls or any part of any car, station, platform or other
property of the company, or commit any nuisance thereon, or damage,
mark, deface or injure any car, station, platform or other property of
the company.
17 Except
by permission of an officer of the company duly authorized in that
behalf, no person while in any car or vehicle upon the railway, or upon
any property of the company, shall advertise, sell or expose or offer
for sale any article or goods whatever, or advertise, solicit custom or
canvass for or carry on any business, trade, occupation, calling or
employment of any description, or solicit alms, reward or charity for
himself or any other person.
18 No
person shall spit upon the floor or upon any part of any car or vehicle
upon the railway, or upon the platform of any station or upon the floor
or walls of any room or passage in any station.
19 Every
person in charge of any private carriage, automobile, omnibus, cab,
truck or other vehicle while waiting at, in or upon any station, wharf
or other premises of the company, shall station or park such vehicle in
such place as may be from time to time designated by the station
authorities, and shall obey the directions of such authorities in regard
thereto.
- 20 (1) Every person violating these Rules and Regulations shall be liable for every such offence to a penalty, enforceable on summary conviction, not exceeding $40.
- (2) The company may summarily interfere, using reasonable force, if necessary, to prevent violation of these Rules and Regulations, or to enforce the observance thereof, and such interference shall not affect any penalty for which such persons may be liable.Rita MacNeil- She's Called NovaScotia
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