Monday, November 24, 2014

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: Nov 24-PG2 - How Middle East Losing Religions- links/world's oldest religions/africa-religions/what if we had no religion?/links-Islam still has not evolved/ and how about The Ottoman Empire Holocaust folks and talk about barbarism in 2das world- it's no different is it... with SPOILT RICH MUSLIM KIDS ISIS- beautiful old religions and cultural beauty now being ruined in Middle East and Africas- kind of like we did with our First Peoples of Canada and America- PAGES 1, 2 AND 3

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 POPULATION AND STATISTICS
SUMMARY: Revision 2009
By 2005, the population of the Middle East and North Africa accounts for 386 million. The growth rates are diminishing in North Africa but remain very high in some areas. Globally, we can expect 585 million in 2030. Despite some very good assets (Oil and Gas), the GNI only attains 910 $Billion with an average income per capita of $2,360 in 2004. Thanks to the expected rise of the crude oil price until 2015, it would attain 1,710 $Billion in 2030. On the other hand, terrorism, external and civil wars, and a western containment policy could result in a global fall of the GNI.
Our diagnosis shows that the present Arab civilization is suffering a serious mental disease. It looks like schizophrenia: The subject nurtures a world vision that does not correspond to the reality. As a result, when he acts according to his dreams, he does not perform any result. Indeed the Arab world nurtures a wrong vision of religion and history and as a result only encounters humiliating failures.
Clearly, the Middle East and North Africa will remain the world black sheep until 2030 (Terrorism, fanaticism, Grand corruption, dictatorships, Illegal immigration, proliferation and constant threat for the civilized world). In such a context, it is fruitless to make recommendations. The road to democracy should imply a complete reeducation ( And notably a reform of Islam) similar to the denazification process which was implemented in Germany by the end of World War 2. Such a process had a meaning in Germany because this country was a great civilization. On the contrary, we do not think that the Middle East and North Africa merit endless wars and the losses of brave soldiers. We have better to adopt a containment policy : Go to the new war.
Warning: Go to Standards of quality about the sources of tables and stats: Economic stats-World Bank: www.worldbank.org/data. Population stats: UN: www.un.org/esa/.

1-DIAGNOSIS
Firstly, let us examine the region: Geography, population, economy, and political situation. This examination shows that the greater Middle East benefits of some good assets. Unfortunately, they are badly managed.
11-Geography: Space, sea and sun
The Greater Middle East accounts for 21 countries: Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Israel, West Bank, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Iran .
The region represents 13,500 square kilometers (USA: 9,269; Europe- 25 Countries: 4,150). The Atlantic ocean, Mediterranean sea, Black sea, Red sea, Arabian sea surround it. Large gulfs such as Aden, Persian, and Oman gulfs favor the communications: No comparisons with compact continents such as Africa or South America.
The region is composed with deserts and very fertile regions such as the Nile valley, the fertile crescent ( Jordan river, Tigres and Euphrates rivers), and the south west of the Arabian peninsula ( "Arabia Felix " in Latin). What is more, the ground contains some huge natural resources (Oil an gas).
It is obviously a good implementation for human. As a result, Civilization began in this region as far as 5000 years BCE with Sumerians and Egypt. By this time, Europe was covered by forests with marshes. A rainy climate required clothes and housing against the cold. Indeed, the European assets were very poor compared to the middle eastern Eden! Consider the next map:
DRAWING 1

Clearly, the populations of the Middle East have inherited of very good assets: What have they done with them?
12-Population
By 2005, the population accounts for 386 million. The growth rates are diminishing in North Africa but remain very high in some areas: Yemen (21 million in 2005) will have 144 million by 2100! (More than Russia!). Globally, we can expect 585 million inhabitants in 2030. Go to world population prospects
Only two nations exceed 50 millions ( Egypt: 65, Iran: 65 ). People concentrate in towns: Cairo designed for 100,000 reaches 15 million. The entire region is more urbanized than Asia or Africa. In the past, towns were inhabited by educated elite and religious minorities. The rush of illiterate peasants is changing this fact. As these illiterates have a very high growth rate, their increasing number in towns tends to make urban control a key for the future
People worship mainly Islam divided into Sunnis and Shiites. Jews and Christians are also present ( Israel, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria). Arabic, Berber, Parsi ( Iran) Hebrew (Israel) are the main languages in use. The elite speaks fluent English and French in North Africa.
The quality of education is bad. In the Arab world, 65 million adults are illiterate (Two-thirds of them women). Only 0.6% of the population uses the Internet, and 1.2% have personal computers. The UNDP reports about the Arab world notes a shortage of new writing. For example, in the 1,000 years since the reign of the Caliph Mamoun, the Arabs have translated as many books as Spain translates in one year: Indeed, it's a very humiliating figure!
13-Economy
In spite of large resources, the economy remains fragile. Of course, the region is not monolithic and we have to be careful with generalizations: For example, the economic situation is different according to the oil fields situation.
However, we may posit that most of the countries benefit of oil exploitation. Of course, oil and gas represent huge economic assets in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states: 65% of the world proven oil reserves are located in this area and the average life of Saudi reserves is about 50 years ( However, many oil fields are yet depleted ). On the other hand, beside Saudi Arabia and the gulf States, many countries also benefit of oil : Algeria, Libya, Egypt, Iraq, Iran and new oil fields could be drilled in the future ( Notably in Sudan ). What is more, the Gulf and Caspian oil is exported through countries deprived of large oil resources such as Syria. In spite of our wish to avoid stereotypes and generalizations, it is clear that most countries benefit of good economic assets in connection with energy. Unfortunately, they have badly managed these resources.
Despite these assets, the global GNI only attains 910 $Billion in 2004. The unemployment rate is about 30%. As a result, the region is the theater of migrations to towns, oil States, and finally Europe. Of course, there are strong disparities: Four countries, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia reach a GDP superior to $100 Billion. Since the population is growing , the GDP per capita slowly increases: The average income per capita attains $2,360 in 2004.
In fact, these stats include Israel. With only 20,000 square kilometers and 7 million people, Israel gets 13% of the global GNI! ( A second humiliating figure! ) Consider the next drawing ( Population in Million, GNI in $Billion, GNI per capita in $ ):
DRAWING 2
Region ------------Population-----GNI:2004----Income per Capita
Israel------------------7-------------120-------------17,140
Middle East and NA---379------------ 790--------------2,080
Total----------------386------------ 910--------------2,360
How can we explain this situation? Jews are Semitic like Arabs. In old time, they were nomadic like Arabs. Jews have suffered not only of the colonization but also of the Shoah. Nevertheless, there are some great differences between Jews and Arabs: Religion, education, democracy and more largely cultural habits. A close investigation about these topics will allow us to understand the Middle East situation.
What is more, the region suffers three vulnerabilities: Firstly, the fresh water resources per capita are very low compared to East Asia and Europe. Desalinization plants are yet extensively used in the Gulf States. Secondly, the region is more and more dependent for food. Some countries import 50% of the food stuff. Thirdly, Since scientific advances and technical progress are weak ( Except in Israel) the region only relies on West for drugs and other vital goods. For example, the % of high technology in manufactured exports is the lowest in the world with Sub Saharan Africa ( About 2% between 1999 and 2003 ): A third humiliating feature!
14-Political situation
Among these countries, there are only two democracies: Israel and Iraq (With many reservations regarding Iraq ). Clearly, this is a second trauma. With black Africa, the Middle East is the least democratic region in the world: In Iran and Saudi Arabia, recent elections resulted in islamic success. Only Jordan and the gulf States seem eager to engage real reforms.
The region is a permanent theater for wars, guerrillas, and finally terrorism. Military expenditures share an average of 7% of the global GDP and dissipate money which could be used for improving education. The region is the main source of terrorism and proliferation. Clearly, the Middle East and North Africa will remain the world black sheep until 2030 and a constant threat for the civilized world: In a near future, every European capital will be within range of ballistic missiles based in the Middle East.
15-Prospect 2030
The population is expected to reach 585 million inhabitants in 2030. Regarding the Economy and thanks to oil prices, the GNI has grown on an average of 4% over the five last years. Since, we expect a slow down of oil prices between 2015 and 2030 we cannot rely on the present stats to extrapolate the future trend. Moreover, the main regional driver is the islamic surge that will result in more and more internal or international wars. According to these these facts, our prediction relies on a yearly growth rate of 4% for the period 2005-2015 , 2% for 2016-2020 and 0% for 2021 -2030 ( 1%). Consider the next drawing ( Population in Million, GNI in $Billion, GNI per capita in $ ):
DRAWING 3
Region --------------Population----GNI:2030----Income per Capita
Israel-------------------10------------228------------ 22,800
Middle East and NA-----575-----------1,482------------2,580
Total------------------585-----------1,710------------2,925
Without Israel, the GNI would attain 1,482 $Billion and the income per capita 2,580 in 2030 instead of 2,080 in 2004 . Moreover, the two most backward countries, Iran and Saudi Arabia, will be the main economic powers. Since the oil power is expected to vanish by 2040, it means that the Middle East could enter by that time in a new middle ages. However, this prospect is beyond the frame of our study.

2-GLOBAL SCHIZOPHRENIA
In his famous essay "Civilization and its Discontents", Freud posits that the development of civilization has a similarity to the development of the individual. Indeed, we may be justified in reaching the diagnosis that some epochs of some civilizations have become neurotic.
Although we do not follow all the Freud's theories, we can state that the present Middle East civilization is suffering a serious mental disease. It looks like schizophrenia. It means that the mind is dissociated: The subject nurtures a world vision that does not correspond to the reality. As a result, when he acts according to his dreams, he does not perform any result. Then, he thinks that other people are responsible of the failure and are plotting against him. Finally he rushes in anger and become dangerous. Look at the next drawing.
DRAWING 4

The first step of a neurotic process is the acquisition of a very specific identity. When a person does not behave like others, you usually observe that she is not normal. Of course, every civilization has its own identity but when it differs by far from the others, it could mean that there is a problem.
What is more, in a globalized world, people and habits tend to be more and more closer. Even in black Africa, and notably in the big towns, many things are common with Europe. It's the same in Latin America or in Asia. On the contrary, while traveling in the Middle East, you never feel comfortable. Wherever you are, in Morocco or 5000 kilometers away in Saudi Arabia, you experience that you are really a foreigner because Islam has produced a very strange civilization.
21-Strange facts
Among the strange facts that I have observed by visiting about sixteen countries of the region, the most significant is the women condition. It means that sexuality is more restrained than in other regions due to the major role of religion.
Many women are veiled and hidden. You do not see that in other continents. It means that half of the population looks like a second class citizens. Polygamy is another specific fact: Old men can repudiate their old spouses and married very young girls. Young men and girls have few opportunity to get sex. Virginity remains a taboo. Go to gender.
Women condition is not the sole difference. Slavery still exists in some Arab countries. I met poor black slaves in Mauritania. They asked me drugs because they were deprived of any health support. On the border of Sahara, Tuareg tribes still have domestic black slaves. In Sudan, northern Arabs routinely enslave black Christians.
People are more addicted to religion than in other areas. They are praying five times a day. Alcohol and pork are strictly forbidden in many countries. In some local places, you will hardly find any toilet papers. Even in big towns, many people are eating with their hands, not because they cannot afford to buy forks or spoons but just because they are good Muslims.
People in the streets look often angry or disdainful. You have better to avoid any conversation because they quickly rush in anger and you can enter in serious troubles if you do not agree with them. Regarding the elite and its hospitality, it's mainly a fairy tale. People are very kind as long as you say that their civilization is the highest. When you do not behave like an admirer, they may become rude and impolite. On the contrary, you feel at home when you meet with Christians Maronites or Jews. According to our usual standards, Israel looks like the sole civilized country in the entire region.
Finally, all these facts correspond to a vision that relies on a dream associating both Islam and the Arab history. It means that many people are unable to apprehend the real world. In fact, they live in two worlds : The real world that surrounds them and a dead world that only exists in their minds. It is the beginning of the schizophrenia! The next video shows how this schizophrenia is perceived by the western world.
22-Religion.
You will not find any people in Japan eager to come back to the feudal society. In Latin America, no people expect to restore the Maya or Inca civilization. Even in Africa, there is no people wanting to re-establish human sacrifices. Indeed, the Middle East and North Africa is the only region in the world where many people aim to come back to the Bedouin society of the seventh century!
This society was based on a close link between the religion and the common law: The Sharia'a. Of course, the Sharia'a has nothing to do with human rights, democracy, freedom, and emancipation of women. One could object that at their early beginning, all the religions were stranger to any civilized way of life. However, they have reformed themselves and evolved in accordance with the progress of the society. The surprising fact is that Islam has not evolved. Its early primitive conceptions have been prominent through most Islamic history and remains until today applied in some countries such as Sudan, Saudi Arabia or Iran (in its Shiite version).
In fact, every reform failed. As in other regions of the world, the enlightenment in Europe brought to the Middle East new ideas. By 1850, some Ottoman sultans tended to modernize the society but finally the obscurantism won. For example, abolition of slavery was seen by the Bedouin tribes as a profound injustice. The next sultan abolished all the reforms and preached a genuine pan-islamism. As a result religious minorities were slaughtered notably in Armenia and Syria.
During the same time, the attempt to reform Islam began in central Asia. It was called Jadidism. Instead of treating the words of Muhammad in their literacy, the jadidists asked themselves what the prophet would say now if he was living today. Unfortunately, the jadidists were crushed by the soviets in the 1920th.
Finally, after the fall of the Ottoman empire, Ataturk abolished Sharia'a, veil and all Muslim habits in Turkey. He associated religion to obscurantism but he met a strong resistance in Anatolia and his ideas hardly extended in the former provinces of the empire.
The Arab nationalism tried to follow this path (Notably in Tunisia, Egypt, Iraq and Syria) but its global failure opened the place for the Islamic counter revolution: Thanks to oil money, the Bedouin tribes of Arabia expanded their traditional Wahhabism. Finally, all these events culminated with the Iranian revolution ( a Shiite version of the Wahhabism).
However, many muslims, notably in black Africa, only apply religion as a social habit like the Christians in western countries. It means that the importance of the religion is specific to the Arab World (And also to Turkey and Iran which are not arab countries). It is due to a close link associating religion and history. What's more, religion is more and more linked to politics: Look at the next video.
23-History
In Europe or in America, we say currently "that's history". It means that old stories do not impact the present world : Technical progress has increased so much that it is better to study economic figures rather than history for understanding the real world. On the contrary, in the Middle East and North Africa, people are fascinated by facts dating as far as the seventh century!
Many Middle eastern people think that their destiny is to bring the God Truth to the infidels and that their entire history is the accomplishment of God will. Consequently, this history becomes a part of the religion. To back up this idea, they believe that their past history was the highest civilization that the world had ever known. In fact, this "highest civilization" had never existed except in their minds.
In the Antiquity, the Middle East was a civilization of ports and trading centers scattered all around the Mediterranean. Phoenicians were in North Africa with Cartage. Greeks expanded on the actual Turkey called the "Great Greece". Then, all the region fell under the Roman rule (65 BCE) without changing its habits and culture.
With the divide of the Roman empire, the Middle East belonged to the Eastern Roman empire headed in Byzantium (Istanbul to day). The golden age of the Middle East took place during this period and ended with the Arab conquest. It was a Greek civilization with a very bright culture. Christianity was not depending of Rome and many churches or philosophical schools flourished. This Greek culture gathered people coming from every part of the Mediterranean with different languages such as Araméen, Greek, Latin, Hebrew and so on. People were mixed in great towns such as Alexandria devoted to culture and business. When you are visiting these countries, you can observe that the most monumental past accomplishments are coming up from the Roman and Byzantine period (Leptis Magna in Libya, Jerash in Jordan or are due to old civilizations such as in Egypt).
Then, the Arab conquerors coming from their desert rushed in these cities by the seventh century. It is said that a great civilization began! Just think: How imagine that some Bedouin warriors could add new intellectual values to the Byzantine civilization? In fact, during the first period of conquest, the caliphs did not disturb the existing Greek or Jew populations. Jews notably took a very important place in high office, arts, philosophy. It can be said that this first period had been mainly a Judeo Arab civilization. Nevertheless, very few additions were brought to the legacy inherited of byzantium: Paper was discovered in China, the famous Arab numbers were coming from India and Avicenne or Averroés were just bright translators of Aristotle.
Finally,the Arab civilization was completely destroyed by islamised people coming from the north and notably Tamerlane. The caliph in Baghdad was beheaded and the Mongol rule lasted over for two century. With the departure of Mongols, the Middle East scattered in many kingdoms until the beginning of the ottoman conquest. Then the Arab civilization fell in a constant decline and became under the Turkish rule quite immobile until today.
Ottomans were coming from central Asia. They appeared in Anatolia. From 1430 to 1650, they extended their conquests to the Balkans and the Middle East. In fact, the ottoman empire took part in the rivalries in Europe and benefited of alliances with France or Russia according to the circumstances. From 1650 to its end in 1918, it declined and was threatened by the minorities both in Balkans and in its Arab provinces which were perceived in Europe as a cause of piracy. In St john cathedral in Malta, you can see the graves of all the gentlemen coming from Provence, Spain or England and who devoted their life to the protection of the Christendom against the piracy. It only ended with the colonization of North Africa by the French. Look at the next drawing:
DRAWING 5

Islamic civilization (green curve) has just taken place within the Byzantine empire and the rise of the European civilization (blue curve). Of course during this period, anybody can agree that the Middle East civilization was brighter than the western Europe stormed by the fall of the Roman empire.
Despite the fall of Constantinople and the end of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, the crossing point took place by 1500: The vessels going to India through the Cap bypassed the Middle East and the moors were expelled from Spain. In 1683, the ottomans suffered a dreadful defeat in attacking Vienna and one century later, Bonaparte was able to conquer Egypt. Of course, the gap widened with the industrial revolution.
We can conclude: In the history, there had been a Greek miracle. There had not been any Arab miracle except in the mind of the contemporary middle eastern population.
Since the present decline cannot be hidden, the Islamic propaganda presents it as a revenge of Satan due to the actions of the West. In accordance, all the past painful events are attributed to the West in order to enforce the association with Satan: For example, the Islamic propaganda never recalls some facts such as the execution of the caliph by Tamerlane!
The Crusades provide us with a good example of this distortion between the today mental representations and the historical facts. As Bernard Lewis quotes it, crusades are today a key element in the Muslim discourse (notably Bin Laden with his war against the crusaders!). In fact the capture of Jerusalem in 1099 just aroused little interest in the region and the crusaders established cities and fortress which lasted over 200 years without much troubles. For example, Reynolds of Chatillon' Keral castle is one of the most imposing monument that you can visit in Jordan today ( Funnily, Chatillon is the name of an outskirts of Paris).
Likely, the victory of Saladin and the capture of Jerusalem in 1187 is today a topic constantly developed by Arab leaders but they forget that the same Saladin ceded Jerusalem to the German emperor, in 1229! Today the crusades appear as a major offence for Muslim but in reality, it was only perceived with a benign neglect by the time of Saladin.
Another distortion is related to the Andalusian myth. Arab occupation is presented like an example of a tolerant and peaceful Islam. In fact Jews and Christians endured many suffering. This myth is mainly propagated by some European scholars according to the Eurabia scheme. As a result, terrorists in Madrid seek revenge not just for spanish troops in Iraq but also for the loss of Andalucia half a thousand years ago! You may note that the name of the main avenue in Jeddah (Saudi Arabia) is " Andalucia"!
24-Constant failure
The fact to have the mind poisoned by phantasms can only conduct to failures in the real world. In every domain, the recent history of the Middle East and North Africa is a constant series of setbacks.
1-People and their leaders constantly chose the wrong camp. The ottoman empire joined Germany during World War 1 and as a result was completely dismantled. However, we must point that the Arab revolt led by Lawrence fought against the ottoman sultan who was also by this time the caliph. Bin Laden often refers to the abolishment of the Caliphate as a painful event. Prisoner of his own schizophrenia, he just forgets that his fellows Arabs Bedouins contributed to the fall of the Caliphate in combating the ottoman empire.
Before and during World War 2, Arab and Muslim movements joined the nazi camp. Created in 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood supported Germany and further the grand Mufti of Jerusalem campaigned for the extermination of Jews. In Morocco, the king encouraged people to enroll in the Franco army backed up by Germany and Italy. In the Balkans, Muslims enrolled themselves in the waffen SS. Finally in Chechen, people favored Germany and as a result Stalin deported massively the population. Regarding these facts, look at the next video:
After the fall of their Nazi protector, many countries chose the soviet protection or campaigned for the non aligned movement. Arab nationalism became also an Arab socialism well implemented in youth, universities and intellectuals.
2-The Arab socialism led to a global failure in economics. Most of the middle class in the 1920-1950 was composed by national or religious minorities: Armenians, Greeks, Christian maronites, Copts, Jews or Arabs having roots in the West. The Arab socialism destroyed this class who was supposed to support "Imperialism". In Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Algeria, the military replaced this old middle class and began to implement statal companies with the same bad results as in black Africa.
3-The quest for a political unity with pan-arabism also failed. Among the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, very few have an historical background: Morocco, Egypt, Israel, Turkey, Iran. The other States are more recent or have been drawn up by the colonization or the mandatory powers. It means that State borders do not take in account population and history just like in black Africa. Consequently, it was a valuable purpose to seek for a greater unity. However, each attempt turned to be a failure (unity between Egypt and Syria, unity of Egypt and Libya, the great Magreb, and so on).
4-Finally, the Arab nations have waged many wars and regularly lost them in an humiliating way: In 1947, 1967, 1978, Arab States against Israel. In 1991 and 2003, Iraq against the western coalition. They warred also one against each other. For example, the Iran-Iraq war caused heavy casualties and lasted eight years. What is more, populations are until today the main victims of the fundamentalist surge notably in Algeria, Egypt, Israel and Lebanon.
The failure of the Arab nationalism led to an outdated alternative: Islam as a global solution.
25-Anger and crisis.
Schizophrenia is a progressive illness. When the subject registers failures, he does not question his false vision. He thinks that other people are responsible of the failure and are plotting against him. Finally, he rushes in anger and becomes dangerous.
Obviously, this dangerous stage of the illness has been reached with the jihadism which goes side by side with a terrific anti-Semitism that we had not known since the nazism (go to New war. ). It is easy to understand why. When rulers and populations are contemplating the reality, they immediately perceive the astonishing success of Israel: Report to anti semitism. Consequently, the Jewish State is the mirror of all their failures. As a result, they think that the Jews are responsible of their unfortunate destiny and it's the beginning of a mad process that gets its climax with the Bin Laden enterprise.
However, this fact is not sufficient and we have to investigate another psychoanalytical aspect that turns constant failure to high aggression. Today, sexuality is liberated in western countries. In the same time, in response to this liberation, sex repression is more and more severe in the Middle East and this phenomenon corresponds to the fundamentalist surge. As a result another primal instinct is growing: Aggression and it's turned against the western societies that are compared to the devil due to their sex liberation. Consider the next drawing:
DRAWING 6



We can assume that during the 19th, hostility against the West was not so high because sexuality was, by this time, equally repressed in the two civilizations. Since we do not want to change our own sex habits, it means that the only solution should be a sex liberation in the Middle East. How could we impose it? We may impose democracy but it's impossible to change people habits? May we expect an inner reform? It's not obvious because more our sexuality is liberated in the West, more Islam has to restrain sexuality in its own field and consequently more the aggression increases. You can observe the proof of that vicious circle: Muslim women are more and more veiled including among migrants inhabiting western countries.
I have to underline this point because, unfortunately, it could lead to a real clash of civilizations! We must underline that the UNDP report published in 2003 confirms the present diagnosis. Go to: http://www.undp.org/rbas/ahdr/english2003.html

3-OBJECTIVE CAUSES
The global schizophrenia is a major cause of the present situation. What is more, it has been supported by three objective reasons: The false promises to Hussein , the western benign neglect for the rise of dictatorships and finally the western responsibility in the surge of a new devil that has boosted the schizophrenia: Saudi Arabia.
31-False promises
While the ottoman empire was weakening, the French and American revolutions developed new ideas: Freedom, democracy, and self determination of peoples. In entire Europe with the end of the authoritarian society (See global history) religious or national minorities were eager to get their independence and this situation led to World War 1.
311-World War 1
This self determination concept reaffirmed by US President Wilson, had three consequences: Firstly, peoples with same language and cultural habits, separated by feudal and artificial boundaries, should be allowed to unit themselves such as in Italy and in Germany. Secondly, minorities included in large empire should get their independence over their own territory. Thirdly, minorities diluted among other populations should be protected or allowed to join their homeland. The Austrian and Ottoman empire based on a pluri ethnic scheme were mainly concerned by the second and third objectives: Minorities of the Balkans won their independence both from Austria and the Ottomans. The problem of diluted minorities (Muslims in Greece and Christians in Turkey) was solved through a general exchange of populations. Unfortunately, these principles were profoundly distorted in the Middle East.
During the war, the Arabs led by Hussein and Lawrence joined the British against the ottomans. According to the self determination and minorities principle, the British promised Hussein to unify the Arab provinces of the ottoman empire in a single Arab kingdom including the Hedjaz with the holy places of Mecca and Medina, and the fertile crescent depending of cities of Damascus and Baghdad. They also promised a Kurdish State. Finally, and in accordance to their principles, they promised the Jews an homeland.
With the victory, the allies forgot their promises. Instead of an unified Arab kingdom, they created two Mandatory (French and British) corresponding to Syria and Lebanon (French) and to Iraq and Palestine (British). The creation of a kurdish State by the treaty of Sevres never entered in application. Finally the only realized promise was the creation of the Jew homeland in the area under British mandatory.
Despite the fact that the return of Jews to their homeland was a legitimate application of the minority principle, the Arabs never accepted it. It was the beginning of a century war regarding 27,000 square kilometers!
312-World War 2
The end of World War 2 and the wave of independences offered a new opportunity to solve the minorities problems. Massive exchange of populations took place in Europe and India with the creation of an Islamic state of Pakistan. In the Middle East, things were only going worst.
In 1948, the Arab States attacked the Jewish State in order to destroy it. They were defeated. As a result, many Arabs (about 765,000) who joined the aggression were fleeing from their home. On the other hand, 865,000 Jews living in Muslims countries were suddenly expelled with spoliation. Of course they were welcomed in Israel. On the contrary, the Arabs States did not greet the Arabs refugees who were gathered in camps. Since this time, these refugees have been a permanent cause of violence and terrorism.
Later, problems were aggravated with the destruction of the Christian Lebanon State by the Palestinian gangs. As a result Syria took over the control of Lebanon with the complicity of the great powers. On the other hand, the kurdish question remained unsolved. Likely, the Shiite minority in Iraq was constantly oppressed just like Berbers in North Africa and Christians in Sudan.
It means that the minorities problem remains unsolved and is a constant source of unrest and anger until today.
32-Benign neglect for dictatorships
As we have said, in the 1920-1950, there was a large middle class that ruled the different countries through moderate monarchies. Many of these people were eager to benefit of freedom, modern science and democracy. Clearly they agreed with the western ideas. Moreover, we have to recall that the ottoman empire had been dismantled to enforce self determination and democracy according to Wilson principles.
Surprisingly, after the independence's, the western countries used to accommodate with wrong regimes based on the one party dictatorship. The cold war was the motive (just like in Latin America and Africa) but the middle class saw that as a treachery: The western governments supported rulers that they would not tolerate in their own countries. The middle class (often educated in Europe and sharing the same standards) experienced the situation like a real humiliation.
As we have previously quoted it, the military and socialist dictatorships crushed the middle class mainly composed of religious or national minorities. Today, despite privatization and globalization, this old merchant middle class represents few people. It has been replaced by an oil business class based on corruption and proximity to the rulers. What is more, the entire middle class is submerged in towns by all the illiterate and fanatical migrants coming from nomadic tribes.
Two painful events illustrate the western responsibilities. Lebanon with its Christian merchant community was a pillar of democracy in the region. Stormed by Palestinian gangs, the country was finally abandoned by the West. Christians were obliged to call for the protection of Syria! The second event is relative to Iran. The Shah was engaging his country towards modernization through a constant struggle against obscurantism. I visited Teheran in 1963 and I can testify that people and women were clothed and behaved just like in Paris. Despite this fact, we gave facilities to Khomeini and he took over Iran. We know the result: All the way to the seventh century! Just look at the next video!
The middle class anger is not due to schizophrenia. It relies on real facts. It means that we have dissipated a precious card: The implementation of democracy would have been easier in the 1920-1950 than today.
33-Creation of a devil.
The radical Islam that we are experiencing today has never existed over a long period or a large territory. Sometimes in the history, there were some surge such as the Mahdi in Sudan (I saw in Khartoum the letter he sent to Queen Victoria asking her to convert to Islam. It sounds like Bin Laden literature!). In general, these surges of madness were quickly destroyed by the caliphs.
The present radical Islam began in 1749 with the alliance of Abdel Wahab with the chief of some nomadic tribes scattered in central Arabia. Abdel Wahab preached the return to a very primitive Islam: It was just a sect among other in the Middle East but thanks to his alliance with the Saudi, the Wahhabism extended its influence in Arabia.
In the 19th century, the wahhabist tribes attacked the Shiites in Mesopotamia (actual Iraq) and devastated Kerbala. The sultan of Egypt thought that it was too much and defeated the wahhabists, executed the chief of the Saudi dynasty, poisoned all the wells in central Arabia and stormed their scarce camps. As a result the wahhabist remained peaceful in their desert until 1922.
By this time, while the British Arab office in Cairo promised Hussein an unified Arab kingdom including the Hedjaz, the British Indian office in Delhi was pushing the Saudi ambitions over the entire Arabia! As a result, in 1922, the Wahhabists attacked the Hedjaz which was ruled by Hussein and conquered the holy places of Mecca and Medina. Then, with the agreement of the British, they founded the Saudi Arabia kingdom and they became the guardian of the holy places. Wahhabism was empowered in a large state. At the end of World War 2, the US concluded an alliance with the Saudi State and its huge oil reserves.
Then, the Wahhabism and the Saudi family implemented a fanatical society certainly more inclined to backwardness than all the previous societies in the Middle Eastern civilization. Wahhabism hates modernity, capitalism, human rights, democracy, science and knowledge. In 1978, with the take over of Khomeini over Iran, they feared the Shiite revenge (Recall you the devastation of kerbala, the holy place of the Shiite) and they began to expand Wahhabism all over the Muslim world from Morocco and west Africa to Indonesia. Thanks to oil, they used money to corrupt and implement Islamic regimes or Islamic opposition in an increasing number of countries.
Despite its backwardness, this regime has been constantly backed up by the West. In counterpart, Saudi Arabia regulated oil prices. What is more, it helped the freedom fighters in Afghanistan against the soviet army with western applaud.
We do not say that Saudi Arabia is the main cause of the terrorism. Many radical Islamic groups do not depend of Wahhabism (Of course, Shiite organizations such as hezbollah). However, we may say that the Wahhabism,( just like Khomeini) is a booster. Anyway, we are today paying high prices for the support we gave to the creation of Saudi Arabia!
34-Conclusion: Emergence of jihadism.
In conclusion, the global schizophrenia and some objective causes are the background of the jihadist emergence. However, it's just a background and not the immediate cause. In our opinion, the immediate cause is the globalization of freedom following the fall of Berlin wall. Most of the rulers fear to lost their grip on the people and instead of combating the schizophrenia, they boost it through education and media's. What is more, they secretly support the Al Qaida network.
Many scholars say that the dictatorships such as Iraq or Syria are not fundamentalists: Consequently, it should be unfair to link these States to the Jihadism. These scholars are mistaking because they focus only on religion. In fact, the jihadist ideology is a mixture of religion and history. Consequently, the no fundamentalist countries can share this global ideology and notably the will to strike western countries: They must fight democracy in order to maintain their own dictatorship. It's just a question of surviving.

4-ROAD MAP
Due to this global situation, many strategic think tanks do not expect that a simple application of democracy could solve the problems of the region. Moreover, many indicators show that radical Islamism is spreading over the populations. The election of a fundamentalist leader in Iran means that it is fruitless to export democracy to people who are not prepared to adopt it. Clearly, populations seem happy with their backward civilization.
In such a context, our recommendations are only addressed to the few liberal forces that are still existing in the region. We focus on three preliminary tasks .
41-Minorities problems
The first task should be to settle all the minorities problems that have poisoned the region since the fall of the Ottoman empire and the treaty of Sevres. Such a reshaping could cure one of the objective causes of the present situation. The minorities problems are related to the Kurdish, the Palestinians, the Christians both in Lebanon and Iraq, the black people of Sudan, the berbers and the Tuaregs.
In fact , we do not expect many progress before 2030. Firstly, Turkey will oppose the creation of a Kurdish State. Secondly, Since Muslims and Christians cannot cohabit anymore, the creation of a Christian Lebanon entity could welcome the Christians populations coming from Syria and Iraq (about 600,000 people). Unfortunately, we do not see the feasibility of this project. Thirdly, we do not expect an issue to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the short run. We do not believe in the present road map and in the sustainability of two opposed States on a so tiny territory. Fourth, there are none short terms prospects for the black people, the Berbers and the Tuaregs in Northern Africa.
In 2030, all these problems will remain as hot as today.
42-Promote education
There is no doubt that in the long term the progress towards democracy will depend on the progress in education. Go to global learning process. In the past, educated people were coming from religious or national minorities in towns. Today, mass education has increased but paradoxically it has enforced obscurantism notably among young people. It's always a strange feeling to listen the cranky discourses of some students on the universities campus! They have none logic nor ethical principles. This situation is due to the education content.
Most of media and education channels are constantly developing propaganda and false interpretation of history. For example, in Saudi Arabia, pupils are learning that Jews are just like monkeys and porks! Everywhere, education in economics is completely biased. What is more, the fundamentalists have succeeded in extending in continental Europe their false history about the superiority of Muslim civilization. Let's suppose that in the 1930, free nations had accepted to teach Aryan superiority in schools! It means that the present education both in Europe and in Muslim countries is pure propaganda. Go to European constitution.
43-Organizing democracy
The implementing of democracy will not be an easy business!
Democracy needs democrats! Of course, many Muslims live today in democratic societies but most of them such as in Senegal or Mali are not part of Middle East and North Africa. As we have said, the problem is not solely Islam but the mixture of Islam and false history that is specific to the region. For example, the arab and turkish communities in Europe seem more and more influenced by radical Islam. It means that there are few democratic feelings among the populations.
For example, let 'us suppose that the democracy is implemented in Saudi Arabia. What happens if Bin Laden is elected as President through free elections? It means that democratization implies great risks and should be carefully prepared.
Firstly, we must state that the Sharia'a cannot be the source of law. Democracy is by itself an universal rule of game. When you play football, you observe universal rules of games. You do not replace them by the rules of Islam. In the other hand, people playing the same rules of game can have different inspirations coming from their values: Islamic, Christian, Jewish values. The rules of game must be apart of any religion. Of course, any State may declare that its main religion is Islam but Islam cannot be the source of law.
Secondly, the middle class (Merchants, Chambers of commerce and so on) must immediately replace the warlords, their soldiers, their scholars and their civil servants. Liberal reforms in the economic domains could improve the middle class bargaining power. Merchants and entrepreneurs are a better guarantee for the democratic process than the intellectuals coming from fake universities.
Thirdly, human rights must appear at the first place on the political agenda. Everywhere, women rights must be implemented with the civil equality, the abolishment of polygamy, and so on. It means that the Ataturk reforms have to be extended to the entire region.
Fourth, since the oil provides the region with sufficient inner resources, the oil money should be used to develop the large open spaces in the southern areas of the entire region. Young people should have better to go southward to developing these areas rather than migrating to the European crowded cities.
44-Alternative solution
Anyway, all these measures may be ineffective. For example, despite the liberal reforms implemented in Morocco, we must take notice that the killers of 200 Spanish were Moroccan. We must also observe that many Moroccan students said that Jews and Americans were the authors of the strike in Madrid! By the same token, most of muslim movements on the Internet try to propagate the idea that the London strikes were caused by the Mossad or the CIA. It means that the global schizophrenia will not end to morrow.
The road to democracy should imply a complete reeducation ( And notably a reform of Islam) similar to the denazification process which was implemented in Germany by the end of World War 2. Such a process had a meaning in Germany because this country was a great civilization. On the contrary, we do not think that the Middle East and North Africa merit endless wars and the losses of brave soldiers. We have better to adopt a containment policy and to let the populations going back to the seventh century : Go to the new war.
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This article is an authentic insight into the present and coming problems with Islam and globally confirms what is said above about schizophrenia.
The psychology behind suicide bombings.
By Pierre Rehov, documentary filmmaker
On July 15, MSNBC's "Connected" program discussed the 7/7 London attacks. One of the guests was Pierre Rehov, a French filmmaker who has filmed six
documentaries on the intifada by going undercover in the Palestinian areas.
Pierre's upcoming film, "Suicide Killers," is based on interviews that he conducted with the families of suicide bombers and would-be bombers in
an attempt to find out why they do it. Pierre agreed to a request for a Q&A interview here about his work on the new film. Many thanks to Dean Draznin and Arlyn Riskind for helping to arrange this special interview.
What inspired you to produce "Suicide Killers," your seventh film?
I started working with victims of suicide attacks to make a film on PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder) when I became fascinated with the personalities of those who had committed those crimes, as they were described again and again by their victims. Especially the fact that suicide bombers are all smiling one second before they blow themselves up.
Why is this film especially important?
People don't understand the devastating culture behind this unbelievable phenomenon. My film is not politically correct because it addresses the real
problem-showing the real face of Islam. It points the finger against a culture of hatred in which the uneducated are brainwashed to a level where their
only solution in life becomes to kill themselves and kill others in the name of a God whose word, as transmitted by other men, has became their only
certitude.
What insights did you gain from making this film? What do you know that other experts do not know?
I came to the conclusion that we are facing a neurosis at the level of an entire civilization. Most neuroses have in common a dramatic event, generally linked to an unacceptable sexual behavior. In this case, we are talking of kids living all their lives in pure frustration, with no opportunity
to experience sex, love, tenderness or even understanding from the opposite sex. The separation between men and women in Islam is absolute. So is
contempt toward women, who are totally dominated by men. This leads to a situation of pure anxiety, in which normal behavior is not possible. It is no
coincidence that suicide killers are mostly young men dominated subconsciously by an overwhelming libido that they not only cannot satisfy but are afraid of, as if it is the work of the devil. Since Islam describes heaven as a place where everything on earth will finally be allowed, and promises 72
virgins to those frustrated kids, killing others and killing themselves to reach this redemption becomes their only solution.
What was it like to interview would-be suicide bombers, their families and survivors of suicide bombings?
It was a fascinating and a terrifying experience. You are dealing with seemingly normal people with very nice manners who have their own logic, which to a certain extent can make sense since they are so convinced that what they say is true. It is like dealing with pure craziness, like interviewing
people in an asylum, since what they say, is for them, the absolute truth. I hear a mother saying "Thank God, my son is dead." Her son had became a
shaheed, a martyr, which for her was a greater source of pride than if he had became an engineer, a doctor or a winner of the Nobel Prize. This system
of values works completely backwards since their interpretation of Islam worships death much more than life. You are facing people whose only dream,
only achievement is to fulfill what they believe to be their destiny, namely to be a shaheed or the family of a shaheed.They don't see the innocent being killed, they only see the impure that they have to destroy.
You say suicide bombers experience a moment of absolute power, beyond punishment. Is death the ultimate power?
Not death as an end, but death as a door open to the after life. They are seeking the reward that God has promised them. They work for God, the ultimate authority, above all human laws. They therefore experience this single delusional second of absolute power, where nothing bad can ever happen to them, since they become God's sword.
Is there a suicide bomber personality profile? Describe the psychopathology.
Generally kids between 15 and 25 bearing a lot of complexes, generally inferiority complexes. They must have been fed with religion. They usually have a lack of developed personality. Usually they are impressionable idealists. In the western world they would easily have become drug addicts, but not
criminals. Interestingly, they are not criminals since they don't see good and evil the same way that we do. If they had been raised in an Occidental
culture, they would have hated violence. But they constantly battle against their own death anxiety. The only solution to this deep-seated pathology is
to be willing to die and be rewarded in the after life in Paradise.
Are suicide bombers principally motivated by religious conviction?
Yes, it is their only conviction. They don't act to gain a territory or to find freedom or even dignity. They only follow Allah, the supreme judge,
and what He tells them to do.
Do all Muslims interpret jihad and martyrdom in the same way?
All Muslim believers believe that, ultimately, Islam will prevail on earth. They believe this is the only true religion and there is no room, in their mind, for interpretation. The main difference between moderate Muslims and extremists is that moderate Muslims don't think they will see the absolute victory of Islam during their life time, therefore they respect other beliefs. The extremists
believe that the fulfillment of the Prophecy of Islam and ruling the entire world as described in the Koran, is for today. Each victory of Bin Laden convinces 20 million moderate Muslims to become extremists.
Describe the culture that manufactures suicide bombers.
Oppression, lack of freedom, brain washing, organized poverty, placing God in charge of daily life, total separation between men and women, forbidding sex, giving women no power whatsoever, and placing men in charge of family honor, which is mainly connected to their women's behavior.
What socio-economic forces support the perpetuation of suicide bombings?
Muslim charity is usually a cover for supporting terrorist organizations. But one has also to look at countries like Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran,
which are also supporting the same organizations through different networks. The ironic thing in the case of Palestinian suicide bombers is that most of
the money comes through financial support from the Occidental world, donated to a culture that utterly hates and rejects the West (mainly symbolized by Israel).
Is there a financial support network for the families of the suicide bombers? If so, who is paying them and how does that affect the decision?
There used to be a financial incentive in the days of Saddam Hussein ($25,000 per family) and Yasser Arafat (smaller amounts), but these days are gone.
It is a mistake to believe that these families would sacrifice their children for money. Although, the children themselves who are very attached to their
families, might find in this financial support another reason to become suicide bombers. It is like buying a life insurance policy and then committing
suicide.
Why are so many suicide bombers young men?
As discussed above, libido is paramount. Also ego, because this is a sure way to become a hero. The shaheeds are the cowboys or the firemen of Islam.
Shaheed is a positively reinforced value in this culture. And what kid has never dreamed of becoming a cowboy or a fireman?
What role does the U.N. play in the terrorist equation?
The UN is in the hands of Arab countries and third world or ex-communists countries. Their hands are tied. The UN has condemned Israel more than any
other country in the world, including the regime of Castro, Idi Amin or Kaddahfi.By behaving this way, the UN leaves a door open by not openly condemning terrorist organizations. In addition, through UNRWA, the UN is directly tied to terror organizations such as Hamas, representing 65 percent of their apparatus in the so-called Palestinian refugee camps. As a support to Arab countries, the UN has maintained Palestinians in camps with the hope to "return" into Israel for more than 50 years, therefore making it impossible to
settle those populations, which still live in deplorable conditions. Four-hundred million dollars are spent every year, mainly financed by U.S. taxes, to support 23,000 employees of UNRWA, many of whom belong to terrorist organizations (see Congressman Eric Cantor on this subject, and in my film "Hostages of Hatred").
You say that a suicide bomber is a 'stupid bomb and a smart bomb' simultaneously. Explain what you mean.
Unlike an electronic device, a suicide killer has until the last second the capacity to change his mind. In reality, he is nothing but a platform
representing interests which are not his, but he doesn't know it.
How can we put an end to the madness of suicide bombings and terrorism in general?
Stop being politically correct and stop believing that this culture is a victim of ours. Radical Islamism today is nothing but a new form of Nazism. Nobody was trying to justify or excuse Hitler in the 1930s. We had to defeat him in order to make peace one day with the German people.
Are these men traveling outside their native areas in large numbers? Based on your research, would you predict that we are beginning to see a new wave of suicide bombings outside the Middle East?
Every successful terror attack is considered a victory by the radical Islamists. Everywhere Islam is expands there is regional conflict. Right now,
their are thousands of candidates for martyrdom lining up in training camps in Bosnia, Afghanistan, Pakistan. Inside Europe, hundreds of illegal mosques
are preparing the next step of brain washing to lost young men who cannot find a satisfying identity in the Occidental world. Israel is much more prepared
for this than the rest of the world will ever be. Yes, there will be more suicide killings in Europe and the U.S. Sadly, this is only the beginning.

Best links-Click below
Go to our World Country guide dedicated to small business.
ww.cia.govHYPERLINK "http://www.cia.gov" : Go to the "Worldfactbook" and the Tenet study: "The worldwide threat 2004".
www.rand.org : Go to the recent study"How West can counter Radical Islam"
www.nixoncenter.org : Fresh information's about Iran and the black sea security agenda.
www.hudson.org : Go to a fascinating survey by Laurent Murawiec..
www.washingtoninstitute.org : One of the best Think tank about the Middle East.




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Israel : The Real History of Israel's Origins (Full Documentary) . 2013 2014 This documentary ...


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www.vox.com/a/maps-explain-the-middle-east - Cached5 May 2014 ... People started farming here in 9000 BC, and by around 2500 BC ... How the
Middle East gave Europe religion, three times ... AD — they managed to conquer
the entire Middle East, North Africa, Persia, and parts of southern Europe. ... until
it began declining in the mid-1800s, collapsed after World War I, ...


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The Rise Of Civilization In The Middle East And Africa
Edited By: Robert Guisepi
Date: 1998
Introduction
The first full civilization emerged by 3500 B.C. in the Tigris-Euphrates
valley in the Middle East. Relatively soon thereafter civilization developed
along the Nile in Egypt, and later spread to other parts of the Middle East
and one region in Africa. The advent of civilization provided a framework for
most of the developments in world history. Additionally, the specific early
civilizations that arose in the Middle East and Africa had several distinctive
features, in political structure and cultural tone, for example. These
features secured the evolution of these societies until the partial eclipse of
the river-valley civilizations after about 1000 B.C. The early civilizations
in the Middle East and North Africa served as generators of a number of
separate and durable civilization traditions, which can still be found in
civilizations around the Mediterranean, in parts of Europe, and even across
the Atlantic.
Both of these early civilizations formed around major rivers - the Tigris
and Euphrates in Mesopotamia and the Nile in northeastern Africa. Explaining
how civilizations emerged in the Middle East and then Africa requires a
reminder of the conditions that contributed to change after 4000 B.C. and a
more precise definition of civilization. Once that is done, we can turn to the
characteristics of Mesopotamian civilization, from its origins around 3500
B.C. until it experienced an important period of disunity around 1000 B.C.
Next comes Egypt, the world's second civilization in time, which again can be
traced until about 1000 B.C. The two early civilizations had very different
cultures and political structures reflecting their very separate origins. By
1000 B.C. both of these two early civilizations produced offshoots in eastern
Africa, southern Europe, and additional centers in the Middle East. These
smaller centers of civilization made important contributions of their own, for
example, the monotheistic religion created among the Jewish people in
Palestine.
Early Civilization In Mesopotamia
Even the technological innovations that shaped the context for the rise
of civilization took many centuries to win full impact. Soon after 4000 B.C.
however, conditions were ripe for a final set of changes that constituted the
arrival of civilization. These changes were based on the use of economic
surplus and the growing needs of a coordinated regional network of villages.
The Sumerians
The scene for the first civilization was the northeastern section of what
we today call the Middle East, along the great rivers that led to the Persian
Gulf. The agents were a newly-arrived people called the Sumerians.
The first civilization developed in a part of the Middle East slightly
south of the hilly country in which the first agricultural villages had
emerged several thousand years earlier. Between the northern hills and the
deserts of the Arabian peninsula, running from the eastern Mediterranean coast
to the fall plain of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, lies a large swath of
arable land called the Fertile Crescent. The rivers rise in the spring,
depositing immensely fertile soil. Rainfall was scant in the region, so as
population pressure increased, farming communities began to find ways to tame
and use the rivers through irrigation ditches. Construction of the ditches
required improved tools that were not available much before 4000 B.C., and
from that point onward developments in the region were swift. Irrigation plus
the fertility of the Tigris-Euphrates region generated substantial food
surpluses promoting population growth and village expansion, as well as
increasing trade and specialization. The region was vulnerable in one respect:
It was so flat that it was open to frequent invasion.
By 3500 B.C. farmers in Mesopotamia, as the Tigris-Euphrates region is
also called, were benefiting not only from rich agriculture, but also from
flourishing pottery and obsidian tool production. The wheel had been
introduced, and community coordination was steadily improving to support the
irrigation network.
The final boost toward establishing civilization was provided by the
Sumerians, a people who had migrated into the area from the north around 4000
B.C. They settled in an area of about 700 square miles where they mixed with
other local races in a pattern of cultural mingling that has remained
characteristic of the region. Sumerian culture early developed important
religious values with centers of pilgrimage and worship. Well before 3000 B.C.
many of these centers were provided with elaborately decorated temples, built
with mud brick. Sumerians were impressed with the power of grim gods who
ultimately controlled human destiny.
Sumerian Culture And Politics
Into this rich economy and culture writing - the most important invention
between the advent of agriculture and the age of the steam engine - was
introduced around 3500 B.C. The Sumerian invention of writing was probably
rather sudden, based on new needs for commercial, property, and political
records including a celebration of the deeds of proud local kings. Writing was
preceded by the invention of clay cylinder seals, on which little pictures of
objects could be recorded. The earliest Sumerian writing simply evolved from
these pictures baked on clay tablets, which were turned into symbols and
gradually transformed into phonetic elements. The early Sumerian alphabet -
set of symbols representing sounds - may have had as many as 2000 symbols
derived from the early pictures. Before long writers began to use more
abstract symbols to represent sounds which allowed Sumerians and their
successors to reduce the alphabet to about 300 symbols. Sumerian writers used
a wedge-shaped stick to impress the symbols on clay tablets. The resulting
writing is called cuneiform, meaning "wedge shaped," and it was used for
several thousand years in the Middle East for many different languages.
Cuneiform writing was difficult to learn, so specialized scribes monopolized
most of it, but the Sumerians in fact believed that every object in nature
should have a separate name to assure its place in the universe; knowing the
name gave a person some power over the object. Writing, in other words,
quickly took on essentially religious purposes, allowing people to impose an
abstract order over nature and the social world.
Sumerian civilization lasted intact until about 2000 B.C. Its political
organization was based on tightly organized city-states, where the
agricultural hinterland was ruled by an urban-based king who claimed great
authority. In some cases local councils advised the king. One of the functions
of Sumerian states was to define boundaries, unlike the less formal
territories of precivilized villages in the region. The government helped
regulate religion and enforce its duties. It also provided a system of courts
for justice. Kings were originally war leaders whose leadership of a trained
army in defense and war remained vital in Sumerian politics where fighting
loomed large. Kings, the noble class, and the priesthood controlled
considerable land. Slaves, conquered in wars with nearby tribes, were used to
work this land.
Sumerian political and social organization set up traditions that would
long endure in this region. City-state government established a tradition of
regional rule, that would often be overlaid by larger empires but would
frequently return as the principal organizational form. The reliance on slaves
was maintained in the economy of many successor civilizations. Use of slaves
along with the lack of natural barriers to invasion help explain recurrent
warfare, for war was often needed to supply labor. At the same time, slavery
in the Middle Eastern tradition was a variable condition, and many slaves were
able to earn their own keep and even buy their freedom.
The Sumerians, aided by regional political stability and the use of
writing, added to their region's economic prosperity. Agriculture gained as
farmers learned how to cultivate date trees, onions, and garlic. Oxen were
used to pull plows, donkeys to carry goods. Wheeled carts helped transport
goods as well. The Sumerians introduced the use of fertilizer and adopted
silver as a means of exchange for buying and selling. Major cities expanded -
one city reached a population of over 70,000 - with substantial housing units
in rows of flat-roofed, mud-brick shops and apartments. More commonly, cities
contained as many as 10,000 people. The Sumerians improved the potter's wheel,
which expanded the production of pottery. Because of the skill level and
commercial importance involved, men began to take the trade away from women.
The Sumerians also invented glass. Trade expanded to the lower Persian Gulf
and to the western portion of the Middle East along the Mediterranean. By 2000
B.C. the Sumerians had trading contacts with India.
The Sumerians also steadily elaborated their culture, again using writing
to advance earlier forms. By about 2000 B.C. they managed to write down the
world's oldest story, the Gilgamesh epic, which went back at least to the 7th
millennium B.C. in oral form. Gilgamesh, a real person who had ruled a
city-state, became the first hero in world literature. The epic describes a
great flood that obliterated humankind except for a favored family who
survived by building an ark and producing descendants who formed a new race of
people. The overall tone of the epic and of Sumerian culture (perhaps
reflecting the frequently disastrous floods of the region) was somber.
Gilgamesh does great deeds but constantly bumps up against the iron laws of
the gods, ensuring human failure as the gods triumph in the end.
The heroes, the wise men, like the new moon have their
waxing and waning. Men will say, "Who has ever ruled with
might and with power like Gilgamesh?" As in the dark month,
the month of shadows; so with-out him there is no light.
O Gilgamesh, this was the meaning of your dream. You were
given the kingship, such was your destiny; everlasting life
was not your destiny . . . Gilgamesh, why do you search? The
life you seek you will never find. When the gods created the
world, they made death a part of human fate.
Along with early literature, Sumerian art developed steadily. Statues and
painted frescoes adorned the temples of the gods, and statues of the gods
decorated individual homes. Sumerian science aided a complex agricultural
society, as people sought to learn more about the movement of the sun and
stars - thus founding the science of astronomy - and to improve their
mathematical knowledge. The Sumerians employed a system of numbers based on
units of 12, 60, and 360, which we still use in calculations involving circles
and hours. They also introduced specific systems, such as charts of major
constellations, that have been used for 5000 years in the Middle East and
through later imitation in India and Europe. In other words, Sumerians and
their successors in Mesopotamia created patterns of observation and abstract
thought about nature on which a number of later societies, including our own,
still rely.
Religion played a vital role in Sumerian culture and politics. Gods were
associated with various forces of nature. At the same time gods were seen as
having a human form and many of humanity's more disagreeable characteristics.
Thus the gods often quarreled and used their power in selfish and childish
ways - which made for interesting stories but also created a fear that the
gods might make life difficult and hard to control. The gloomy cast of
Sumerian religious ideas also included an afterlife of suffering - an original
version of the concept of hell. Because gods were believed to regulate natural
forces such as flooding in a region where nature was often harsh and
unpredictable, they were more feared than loved. Priests played a central role
because of their responsibility for placating the gods through proper prayers,
sacrifices, and magic. Priests became full-time specialists, running the
temples and also performing the astronomical calculations necessary to run the
irrigation systems. Each city had a patron god, and erected impressive shrines
to please and honor this god and other deities. Massive towers, called
ziggurats, formed the monumental architecture for this civilization. Prayers
and offerings to prevent floods as well as to protect good health were a vital
part of Sumerian life. Sumerian ideas about the divine force behind and within
natural objects - in rivers, trees, and mountains - were common among
agricultural peoples. A religion of this sort is known as animism. More
specifically, Sumerian religious notions, notably their ideas about the
creation of the earth by the gods from a chaos of water and about divine
punishment of humans through floods, continue to have force in Jewish,
Christian, and Muslim cultures, all of which were born much later in the
Middle East.
Sumerian activities in trade and war spread beyond the regional limits of
the civilization in the Middle East. The adoption of portions of the Gilgamesh
tale in later literature such as the Jewish Bible developed well to the west
of Sumer. Even after Sumer itself collapsed, the Sumerian language was still
used in religious schools and temples, showing the power of this early culture
and its decidedly religious emphasis.
What Civilization Meant
The emergence of the world's first civilization in Sumer brought to
fruition the key features of this form of organization. Sumerian society
certainly met the basic criterion of civilization in that it built on fairly
regular economic surpluses. Sumerian farmers produced enough that they could
be taxed in order to support a small but crucial number of priests and
government officials. They produced enough to allow some trade and
specialization, thus encouraging groups of artisans and merchants who did not
farm. The Sumerian economy also stretched out along the great irrigation
systems of the Tigris-Euphrates. One of the tasks of regional government was
to elaborate and maintain these systems: regional coordination was thus a
vital feature.
The advent of civilization in Sumer also involved additional innovations
building on the key features of surplus and coordination: the creation of
cities beyond the scope of individual centers, such as Jericho, where at least
several thousand people lived and considerable specialization developed; and
the invention of writing. While these innovations were not found in all
civilizations, they were vital in Sumer and other early centers such as Egypt
and the Indus River.
The Importance Of Cities
In Middle-Eastern agricultural civilization (all civilizations were
fundamentally agricultural until about 200 years ago), most people did not
live in cities. The cities that existed were crucial, however, because they
amassed wealth and power; allowed relatively easy exchange of ideas,
encouraging intellectual and artistic changes; and promoted further
specialization in manufacture and trade. Early Middle-Eastern cities radiated
considerable influence and power into surrounding countrysides. Cities also
relied on broader attributes of civilization, the most notable being
relatively extensive trade and political organization. Cities could not be
founded until the Middle East produced a significant agricultural surplus
above what farmer families needed to live on and had groups - merchants - to
organize trade that brought food to the city and carried urban-made goods to
the countryside and other cities. Cities could not be founded until there was
a sufficiently solid political organization - a government, with some
recognized legitimacy, and some full-time officials - that could run essential
urban services, such as a court system for disputes, and help regulate the
relationship between cities and the countryside.
Saying that early Middle-Eastern civilizations were based on cities,
then, even when most people remained in the countryside as agricultural
producers, is partly saying that civirizations had generated more elaborate
trade and political structures than initial agricultural societies had
managed. This helps explain, also, why civilizations generally covered a
fairly wide area, breaking out of the localism that described the economics
and political activities of the initial agricultural communities.
The Importance Of Writing
The second key ingredient that emerged in the Middle East after 4000 B.C.
was the invention of writing. Some historians and anthropologists urge against
focusing too much on the development of writing, because concentrating only on
this aspect, albeit important, can leave out some civilizations, such as the
civilization of the Incas in the Andes region of South America, that produced
significant political forms without this intellectual tool. We now appreciate
the sophistication societies can attain without writing, and rate the division
of early human activities between hunting and gathering and agriculture as
more fundamental than the invention of writing.
Writing was a genuinely important development even so. Societies with
writing can organize more elaborate records including the lists essential for
effective taxation. Writing is a precondition for most formal bureaucracies
which depend on standardized communication and the ability to maintain some
documentation. Societies with writing can also organize a more elaborate
intellectual life because of their ability to record data and build on past,
written wisdom. For example, it is no accident that with writing many early
civilizations began to generate more formal scientific knowledge. Societies
before the development of writing typically depended on poetic sagas to convey
their value systems, with the poetry designed to aid in memorization. With
writing, the importance of sagas such as Gilgamesh might at first have
continued but usually the diversity of cultural expressions soon increased
with other kinds of literature supplementing the long, rhymed epics. Some
experts argue that the very fact of becoming literate changes the way people
think - encouraging a greater sense that the world can be understood by
organized human inquiry as opposed to a belief in whimsical magical spirits.
Writing, in other words, can produce more abstract religious thinking and also
secular thinking that seeks to describe nature and human affairs in
nonreligious terms.
Writing, like the existence of cities, certainly helps explain how
civilizations could develop more extensive trading and political systems than
those of most earlier agricultural societies. As a basis for even small
bureaucracies - and as a basis of record-keeping for merchant dealings beyond
purely personal contacts - writing played a considerable role in extending the
geographical range of key civilizations and in developing new forms of
economic and political organization. It is vital to recognize, however, that
the advent of writing in the early history of civilizations also created new
divisions within the population, for only a small minority of people - mainly
priests, scribes, and a few merchants - had time to master writing skills.
Kush And The Eastern Mediterranean
Toward the end of the early civilization period, a number of partially
separate civilization centers sprang up on the fringes of the civilized world
in Africa and the Middle East, extending also into parts of southern Europe.
These centers built heavily on the achievements of the great early centers.
They resulted from the expansion efforts of these centers, as in the Egyptian
push southward during the New Kingdom period and from new organizational
problems within the chief centers themselves; in the Middle East, separate
societies emerged during the chaotic centuries following the collapse of the
Hittite empire.
Kush And Axum: Civilization Spreads In Africa
The kingdom of Kush sprang up along the upper (southern) reaches of the
Nile. Kush was the first African state other than Egypt of which there is
record. This was a state on the frontiers of Egyptian activity, where Egyptian
garrisons had been stationed from time to time. By 1000 B.C. it emerged as an
independent political unit, though strongly influenced by Egyptian forms. By
730 B.C., as Egypt declined, Kush was strong enough to conquer its northern
neighbor and rule it for several centuries, though this conquest was soon
ended by Assyrian invasion from the Middle East. After this point the Kushites
began to push their frontiers farther south, gaining a more diverse African
population and weakening the Egyptian influence. It was at this point that the
new capital was established at Meroe. Kushites became skilled in iron use and
had access to substantial African ore and fuel. The use of iron tools extended
the area that could be brought into agriculture. Kush formed a key center of
metal technology in the ancient world, as a basis of both military and
economic strength.
Kushites developed a form of writing derived from Egyptian hieroglyphics
(and which has not yet been fully deciphered). They established a number of
significant cities. Their political organization, also derived from Egypt,
emphasized a strong monarchy with elaborate ceremonies based on the belief
that the king was a god. Kushite economic influence extended widely in
sub-Saharan Africa. Extensive trade was conducted with people to the west, and
this trade may have brought knowledge of iron making to much of the rest of
Africa. The greatest period of the kingdom at Meroe, where activities centered
from the early 6th century onward, lasted from about 250 B.C. to A.D. 50. By
this time the kingdom served as a channel for African goods - animal skins,
ebony and ivory, gold and slaves - into the commerce of the Middle East and
the Mediterranean. Many monuments were built during these centuries, including
huge royal pyramids and an elaborate palace in Meroe. Much fine pottery and
jewelry were produced. Meroe began to decline from about A.D. 100 onward and
was defeated by a kingdom to the south, Axum, around A.D. 300. Prosperity and
extensive political and economic activity did not end in this region, but
extended into the formation of a kingdom in present-day Ethiopia.
The outreach of Kush is not entirely clear beyond its trading network set
up with neighboring regions. Whether African peoples outside the Upper Nile
region learned much from Kush about political forms is unknown. Certainly
there was little imitation of its writing, and the region of Kush and Ethiopia
would long remain somewhat isolated from the wider stream of African history.
Nevertheless, the formation of a separate society stretching below the eastern
Sahara was an important step in setting the bases for technological and
economic change throughout much of upper Africa. Though its achievements flow
less fully into later African development, Kush holds for Africa what Sumer
achieved for the Middle East - it set a wider process of civilization in
motion.
The Mediterranean Region
Smaller centers in the Middle East began to spring up after about 1500
B.C. Though dependent on the larger Mesopotamian culture for many features,
these centers added important new ingredients and in some cases also extended
the hold of civilization westward to the Asian coast of the Mediterranean. The
smaller cultures also added to the diversity of the Middle East, creating a
varied array of identities that would continue to mark the region even under
the impetus of later empires, such as Rome, or the sweeping religion of Islam.
Several of these smaller cultures proved immensely durable and would influence
other parts of the world as well.
The Jews
The most important of the smaller Middle Eastern groups were the Jews,
who gave the world one of its most influential religions. The Jews were a
Semitic people (a population group that also includes the Arabs). They were
influenced by Babylonian civilization but also marked by a period of
enslavement in Egypt. They settled in the southeast corner of the
Mediterranean around 1600 B.C., probably migrating from Mesopotamia. Some
moved into Egypt where they were treated as a subject people. In the 13th
century B.C., Moses led these Jews to Palestine, in search of a homeland
promised by the Jewish God, Yahweh. This was later held to be the central
development in Jewish history. The Jews began at this point to emerge as a
people with a self-conscious culture and some political identity. At most
points, however, the Jewish state was small and relatively weak, retaining
independence only while other parts of the Middle East were disorganized. A
few Jewish kings were able to unify their people, but at many points the Jews
were divided into separate regional states. Most of Palestine came under
foreign (initially Assyrian) domination from 722 B.C. onward, but the Jews
were able to maintain their cultural identity and key religious traditions.
Monotheism
The distinctive achievement of the Jews was the development of a strong
monotheistic religion. Early Jewish leaders probably emphasized a particularly
strong, creator god as the most powerful of many divinities - a hierarchy not
uncommon in animism - but this encouraged a focus on the father God for prayer
and loyalty. By the time of Moses, Jews were urged increasingly to abandon
worship of all other gods and to receive from Yahweh the Torah (a holy Law),
the keeping of which would assure divine protection and guidance. From this
point onward Jews regarded themselves as a chosen people under God's special
guidance. As Jewish politics deteriorated due to increasing foreign pressure,
prophets sprang up to call Jews back to faithful observance of God's laws. By
the 9th century B.C. some religious ideas and the history of the Jews began to
be written down in what would become the Jewish Bible (the Old Testament of
the Christian Bible).

Besides the emphasis on a single God, Jewish religion had two important
features. First was the idea of an overall divine plan. God guided Jewish
history, and when disasters came they constituted punishment for failures to
live up to divine laws. Second was the concept of a divinely organized
morality. The Jewish God demanded not empty sacrifices or selfish prayers, but
righteous behavior. God, though severe, was ultimately merciful and would help
the Jews to regain morality. This system was not only monotheistic but also
intensely ethical; God was actively concerned with the doings of people and so
enjoined good behavior. By the 2d century B.C., these concepts were clearly
spelled out in the Torah and the other writings that were formed into the Old
Testament of the Bible. By their emphasis on a written religion the Jews were
able to retain their identity under foreign rule and even under outright
dispersion from their Mediterranean homeland.
The impact of Jewish religion beyond the Jewish people was complex. The
Jews saw God's guidance in all of human history, and not simply their own.
Ultimately all peoples would be led to God. But God's special pact was with
the Jews, and there was little premium placed on missionary activity or
converting others to the faith. This limitation helps explain the intensity
and durability of the Jewish faith; it also kept the Jewish people a minority
within the Middle East though at various points substantial conversions to
Judaism did spread the religion somewhat more widely. Jewish monotheism,
though a landmark in world religious history, is noteworthy for sustaining a
distinctive Jewish culture to our own day, not for immediately altering a
wider religious map.
Yet the elaboration of monotheism had a wide significance. In Jewish
hands the concept of God became less humanlike, more abstract - a basic change
not only in religion but in overall outlook. Yahweh had a power and a planning
quality far different from the attributes of the traditional gods of the
Middle East or Egypt. The gods, particularly in Mesopotamia, were whimsical
and capricious; Yahweh was orderly and just, and individuals could know what
to expect if they adhered to God's rules. The link to ethical conduct and
moral behavior was also central. Religion for the Jews was a system of life,
not merely a set of rituals and ceremonies. The full impact of this religious
transformation on Middle Eastern and Mediterranean civilization would come
only later, when Jewish ideas were taken up by the proselytizing faiths of
Christianity and Islam. But the basic concept formed one of the legacies of
the twilight period from the first great civilizations to the new cultures
that would soon arise in their place.
The Minoans
The Jews were not alone among the distinct societies popping up in the
eastern Mediterranean. Around 1600 B.C. a civilized society developed on the
island of Crete. This Minoan society traded widely with both Mesopotamia and
Egypt, and probably acquired many of its civilized characteristics from this
exchange. Minoan society, for example, copied Egyptian architectural forms and
mathematics, though it developed important new artistic styles in the colossal
palace built in the capital city, Knossos. The alphabet, too, was adapted from
Egypt. Political structures similar to those of Egypt or the Mesopotamian
empires emphasized elaborate bureaucratic con- trols, complete with massive
record keeping, under a powerful monarch. Minoan navies at various points
conquered parts of the mainland of Greece, eventually leading to the
establishment of the first civilization there. Centered particularly in the
kingdom of Mycenae, this early Greek civilization developed considerable
capacity for monumental building, and also conducted important wars with
city-states in the Middle East, including the famous conflict with Troy.
Civilizations in Crete and in Greece were overturned by a wave of
Indo-European invasions, culminating around 1000 B.C., that temporarily
reduced the capacities of these societies to maintain elaborate art or
writing, or extensive political or economic organizations. While the
civilization that would arise later, to form classical Greece, had somewhat
separate origins, it would build extensively on the memories of this first
civilized society and on its roots in Egyptian and Mesopotamian achievements.
The Phoenicians
Another distinct society grew up in the Middle East itself, in what is
now the nation of Lebanon. Around 2000 B.C. a people called the Phoenicians
settled on the Mediterranean coast. Like the Minoans, they quickly turned to
seafaring because their agricultural hinterland was not extensive. The
Phoenicians used their elaborate trading contacts to gain knowledge from the
major civilization centers, and then in several key cases improved upon what
they learned. Around 1300 B.C. they devised a much simplified alphabet based
on the Mesopotamian cuneiform. The Phoenician alphabet had only 22 letters,
and so was learned relatively easily. It served as ancestor to the Greek and
Latin lettering systems. The Phoenicians also upgraded the Egyptian numbering
system.
The Phoenicians were, however, a merchant people, not vested in extensive
cultural achievements. They advanced manufacturing techniques in several
areas, particularly the production of dyes for cloth. Above all, for
commercial purposes, they dispersed and set up colonies at a number of points
along the Mediterranean. They benefited from the growing weakness of Egypt and
the earlier collapse of Minoan society and its Greek successor, for there were
few competitors for influence in the Mediterranean by 1000 B.C. Phoenician
sailors moved steadily westward, setting up a major trading city on the coast
of North Africa at Carthage, and lesser centers in Italy, Spain, and southern
France. The Phoenicians even traded along the Atlantic coast of Europe,
reaching Britain where they sought a supply of tin. Ultimately Phoenicia
collapsed in the wake of the Assyrian invasions of the Middle East, though
several of the colonial cities long survived.
The End Of The Early Civilization Period
The proliferation of spin-off civilizations brought important innovations
within the framework set by the achievements of the great progenitors in
Mesopotamia and Egypt. The simplified alphabet, the major cultural shift
described by the first great monotheistic system, and a number of quite
practical improvements - the introduction by another Mediterranean coastal
peoples, the Lydians, of coined money - considerably advanced the level of
civilization itself. The spread of civilization into Kush and into some
European portions of the Mediterranean, fed by deliberate expansion and
growing trade, also set the basis for the development of major civilization
centers beyond the original core. By 1000 B.C. the civilization zone initially
established by separate developments in Mesopotamia and Egypt had fanned out
widely, sketching the basis for later societies in the Middle East, Africa,
and parts of Europe.
No sharp line divides the long early phase of the development of
civilization in the Middle East and North Africa from the next, classical
period; there was no total overturning by invasion, as would characterize the
first civilization in India. Developments such as the spread of the Kushite
kingdom, the survival of the Egyptian kingdom, or the elaboration of the
Jewish religion continued well into the final centuries B.C. Successive
empires in the Middle East would revive or preserve many features of the
Mesopotamian pattern.
Around 1000 B.C., and for several centuries thereafter, there was a
somewhat pervasive pause in the development of civilizations in this general
region. The pause did not disrupt the Phoenician or Kushite expansion on the
fringes, nor did it shatter all civilized forms. But Mesopotamia did undergo
an unusual several-century span in which regional city-states and considerable
internal warfare brought political chaos. Egyptian politics were also
deteriorating. Early civilizations in Greece were overwhelmed (almost as
completely as their counterpart in India) by waves of invasions by
Indo-Europeans from eastern Europe. These invasions for a time reduced
politics to essentially tribal levels and virtually destroyed cultural
activities that depended on writing or elaborate workmanship.
The waves of Indo-European invasion form the clearest breaking point.
These invaders were hunters and herders initially from central Asia, who
pressed into western Asia and Europe in successive waves. The Hittites were an
Indo-European people capable of assimilating Mesopotamian values to the extent
of setting up a major empire. They also pushed back the Egyptian sphere of
influence, launching the decline of the New Kingdom and also freeing up the
southeastern Mediterranean corner for the rise of smaller states such as the
Jewish kingdom. But by 1200 B.C. the Hittites were swept away by another
invading force of Indo-Europeans (the same group that interrupted civilization
in Greece).
The Indo-Europeans, beginning with the Hittites, introduced iron use
which gave rise to more powerful weaponry and the possibility of
geographically more extensive empires based on military power. The first group
to exploit this new weaponry were the Assyrians, who began a pattern of
conquest from their base along the Tigris River. By 665 B.C. they had
conquered the whole of the civilized Middle East down to the Persian Gulf as
well as Egypt. This was a cruel people, eager to terrorize their enemies. The
Assyrians used iron, a strong and widely available metal, to arm more men more
cheaply than societies relying on bronze were able to do. Their empire was
unprecedentedly large and also unusually systematic as they collected tribute,
assimilated diverse cultural achievements, and even moved whole peoples (as
they did the Jews) in order to maintain control. The Assyrian state was not
long lived. By 612 B.C. it fell to a combination of pressures from invading
frontier tribes and internal revolt. A number of smaller successor kingdoms
followed, until another great eastern empire, the Persian, arose in 539 B.C.
The key points are these: The characteristic boundaries of the early
civilizations that had lasted so long amid a relatively slow pace of change
were beginning to yield. Invading peoples brought new ideas. The
Indo-Europeans, for example, ignored the Mesopotamian or Egyptian beliefs
about the divine attributes of kings. Rather, kings were selected by councils
formed by nobles and the army. Also, where Indo-European culture took deep
root, as in Greece, political patterns would begin to diverge from those set
in the earlier civilizations of the region. Geographical boundaries were
shifting too. Egypt faded as a major independent actor, while the Middle East
was open to new empires with greater unifying potential than ever before; and
new centers of vitality were beginning to be sketched in Africa and along the
European coast of the Mediterranean.
The stage was beginning to be shaped for the emergence of a new set of
civilizations, such as in Persia and Greece, that would build on earlier
precedents in many ways but advance new cultural and political forms. Based on
the new military technology brought by iron and on steady improvements in
shipping, these new civilizations would reach out to wider regions than the
early civilizations had usually managed. More extensive civilization zones and
new cultural and political principles, though both prepared by developments in
the early civilization period, would define the era of classical civilizations
in the Middle East and Mediterranean that began to emerge by about 800 B.C.
with the recovery of civilization in Greece and, soon, the rise of the great
Persian empire.
Civilization: Drawbacks And Limits
Because civilizations are by definition well organized compared to the
societies that preceded them, it is not surprising that almost all history is
about what has happened to civilized societies. We know most about such
societies, and we are likely to be particularly impressed by their great art
or powerful rulers. It is also true that civilizations tended to be far more
populous than noncivilized societies. Because civilizations depend on some
trade, they allow greater specialization that increases productivity and
sustenance of larger populations. Their political structure allows whole
regions or even a number of regions to be unified. But the history of
civilization does not embrace everybody. In the days of the river-valley
civilizations, even long after Sumer, most inhabited parts of the world were
not in the civilization orbit.
There is inevitable confusion between defining a society as a
civilization and assuming that civilization produces a monopoly on higher
values and controlled behavior. In the first place, civilization brings losses
as well as gains. As the Middle East moved toward civilization, distinctions
based on social class and wealth increased. This was clearly the case in
Sumer, where social structure ranged from slaves, who were treated as
property, to powerful kings and priests. Civilizations typically have firmer
class or caste divisions and greater separations between ruler and ruled than
"simpler" societies. Civilizations also often create greater inequality
between men and women than noncivilized societies do. Many early
civilizations, including those of the Middle East, went to considerable pains
to organize the inferiority of women on a more structured basis than ever
before, treating women as the property of fathers or husbands. Finally, as
Sigmund Freud noted, civilizations impose a host of restraints on people in
order to keep them organized in a complex social unit. Such restraints can
create a great deal of personal tension and even mental illness.
"Civilization," then, should not be taken as a synonym for "a `good' or
`progressive' society."
Furthermore, people in noncivilized societies may be exceptionally well
regulated and possessed of interesting, important culture. They are not
"merely" barbarians or uncouth wild men. Some societies that were most eager
to repress anger and aggression in human dealings, such as several Eskimo
groups, were not part of a civilization until recently. In contrast, many
civilized societies produce a great deal of aggressive behavior and build
warlike qualities into their list of virtues. While some noncivilized
societies treat old people cruelly, others display respect and veneration. A
civilized society does not invariably enhance the human capacity for
restrained, polite behavior or an interest in the higher values of life.
Civilizations do not even clearly promote greater human happiness.
The development of civilization continued the process of enhancing human
capacity for technological and political organization, and the production of
increasingly elaborate and diverse artistic and intellectual forms. In this
quite restricted sense, the term has meaning and legitimately commands the
attention of most historians. Because of the power and splendor civilizations
could provide, they did tend to spread as other societies came under their
influence or deliberately tried to imitate their achievements. Early
civilizations, however, spread slowly because many peoples had no contact with
them and because their disadvantages, such as greater social inequality, might
be repellent. Thus the initial advent of civilization, while an important
historical milestone, came in clearly circumscribed regions like the
Tigris-Euphrates valley. The history of early civilization focuses attention
on the generation of the first forms of civilized activity - writing and city
administration - and on the construction of linkages in medium-sized
geographical units.
The Course Of Mesopotamian Civilization: A Series Of Conquests
The general characteristics of civilization, from economic surplus to
writing, cities, and social inequality, are vital, but must be combined with
the specific qualities of particular civilizations such as those of
Mesopotamia, where writing was of a certain style; social organization was
distinctive, for example, in the power of priests; and overall culture had
some special qualities.
A key ingredient of Mesopotamian civilization was frequent instability as
one ruling people gave way to another invading force. The Sumerians,
themselves invaders of the fertile river valleys, did not set up a
sufficiently strong and united political force to withstand pressures from
outside, particularly when other peoples of the Middle East began to copy key
achievements, such as the formation of cities.
Later Mesopotamian Empires
Shortly after 2400 B.C. a king from a non-Sumerian city, Akkad, conquered
the Sumerian city-states and inaugurated an Akkadian Empire. This empire soon
sent troops as far as Egypt and Ethiopia. The initial Akkadian ruler, Sargon
I, the first clearly identified individual in world history, set up a unified
empire integrating the city-states into a whole, and added to Sumerian art a
new style marked by the theme of royal victory. Professional military
organization expanded since Sargon maintained a force of 5400 troops.
Extensive tax revenues were needed to support his operations. The Akkadians
were the first people to use writing for more than commercial and temple
records, producing a number of literary works. The Akkadian empire, however,
lasted only about 200 years, and then it was overthrown by another invading
force. Sumerian regional states reappeared, in what turned out to be the final
phase of this particular civilization. It was then that the Epic of Gilgamesh
was written. By this time, around 2000 B.C., kingdoms were springing up in
various parts of the Middle East, while new invading groups, including Indo-
European tribes that came from the Balkans in southeastern Europe, added to
the region's confusion. A civilization derived from Sumerian culture spread
more widely in the Middle East, though political unity was rarely achieved in
the expanded setting.
Another new empire arose around 1800 B.C., for the first time unifying
the whole of Mesopotamia. This Babylonian Empire was headed by Hammurabi, one
of the great rulers of early civilized history. Hammurabi set up an extensive
network of officials and judges, while maintaining a separate priesthood. He
also codified the laws of the region, to deal with a number of criminal,
property, and family issues. Large cities testified to the wealth and power of
this new empire. At the same time, Sumerian cultural traditions were
maintained and elaborated. The famous Hammurabic code thus was built on
earlier codifications by Sumerian kings.
A Babylonian poem testified to the continued sobriety of the dominant
culture: "I look about me and see only evil. My troubles grow and I cannot
find justice. I have prayed to the gods and sacrificed, but who can understand
the gods in heaven? Who knows what they plan for us? Who has ever been able to
understand a god's conduct?"
Finally, Babylonian scientists extended the Sumerian work in astronomy
and mathematics. Scholars were able to predict lunar eclipses and trace the
paths of some of the planets. Babylonians also worked out mathematical tables
and an algebraic geometry of great practical utility. The modern 60-minute
hour and 360-degree circle are heritages of the Babylonian system of
measurement. The study of astronogy is another Babylonian legacy.
Indeed, of all the successors of the Sumerians, the Babylonians
constructed the most elaborate culture, though their rule was not long-lived.
The Babylonians expanded commerce and a common cultural zone, both based on
growing use of cuneiform writing and a shared language. During the empire
itself, new government strength showed both in the extensive legal system and
in the opulent public buildings and royal palaces. The hanging gardens of one
king dazzled visitors from the entire region.
The Babylonian empire fell by about 1600 B.C. An invading Hittite people,
pressing in from central Asia, adapted the Sumerian cuneiform script to their
own Indo-European language and set up an empire of their own. The Hittites
soon yielded, and a series of smaller kingdoms disputed the region for several
centuries, between about 1200 and 900 B.C. This period allowed a number of
regional cultures, such as the Hebrew and the Phoenician, to develop greater
autonomy, thus adding to the diversity and the achievements of the Middle
East. Then, after about 900 B.C., another series of empires began in the
Middle East, including the Assyrian Empire and later the Persian Empire based
on invasions of new groups from central Asia. These new invaders had mastered
the production of iron weapons and also used horses and chariots in fighting,
sketching a new framework for the development of empires and a new chapter in
the history of the Middle East and of civilization more generally.
[See Head Of Sargon: This bronze head of Sargon, founder of the Akkadian
dynasty, dates from about 2350 B.C. The elaborate metalwork displays the
artistic talent acquired by leading craftsmen.]
Document: Hammurabi's Law Code
Hammurabi, as king of Babylon, united Mesopotamia under his rule from
about 1800 to 1750 B.C. His law code, the earliest such compilation still in
existence, was discovered on a stone slab in Iran in A.D. 1901. Not a
systematic presentation, it was a collection of exemplary cases designed to
set general standards of justice. The code provides vital insights into the
nature of social relations and family structure in this ancient civilization.
Examples of the Hammurabic code follow:
When Marduk commanded me to give justice to the people of the land and to
let [them] have [good] governance, I set forth truth and justice throughout
the land [and] prospered the people.
At that time:
If a man has accused a man and has charged him with manslaughter and then has
not proved [it against] him, his accuser shall be put to death.
If a man has charged a man with sorcery and then has not proved [it against]
him, he who is charged with the sorcery shall go to the holy river; he shall
leap into the holy river and, if the holy river overwhelms him, his accuser
shall take and keep his house; if the holy river proves that man clear [of the
offense] and he comes back safe, he who has charged him with sorcery shall be
put to death; he who leapt into the holy river shall take and keep the house
of his accuser.
If a man has come forward in a case to bear witness to a felony and then has
not proved the statement that he has made, if that case [is] a capital one,
that man shall be put to death.
If he has come forward to bear witness to [a claim for] corn or money, he
shall remain liable for the penalty for that suit.
If a judge has tried a suit, given a decision, caused a sealed tablet to be
executed, [and] thereafter varies his judgment, they shall convict that judge
of varying [his] judgment and he shall pay twelve-fold the claim in that suit;
then they shall remove him from his place on the bench of judges in the
assembly, and he shall not [again] sit in judgment with the judges.
If a free person helps a slave to escape, the free person will be put to
death.
If a man has committed robbery and is caught, that man shall be put to death.
If the robber is not caught, the man who has been robbed shall formally
declare whatever he has lost before a god, and the city and the mayor in whose
territory or district the robbery has been committed shall replace whatever he
has lost for him.
If [it is] the life [of the owner that is lost], the city or the mayor shall
pay one maneh of silver to his kinsfolk.
If a person owes money and Adad [the river god] has flooded the person's
field, the person will not give any grain [tax] or pay any interest in that
year.
If a person is too lazy to make the dike of his field strong and there is a
break in the dike and water destroys his own farmland, that person will make
good the grain [tax] that is destroyed.
If a merchant increases interest beyond that set by the king and collects it,
that merchant will lose what was lent.
If a trader borrows money from a merchant and then denies the fact, that
merchant in the presence of god and witnesses will prove the trader borrowed
the money and the trader will pay the merchant three times the amount
borrowed.
If the husband of a married lady has accused her but she is not caught lying
with another man, she shall take an oath by the life of a god and return to
her house.
If a man takes himself off and there is not the [necessary] maintenance in his
house, his wife [so long as] her [husband is delayed], shall keep [herself
chaste; she shall not] enter [another man's house].
If that woman has not kept herself chaste but enters another man's house, they
shall convict that woman and cast her into the water.
If a son strikes his father, they shall cut off his forehand.
If a man has put out the eye of a free man, they shall put out his eye.
If he breaks the bone of a [free] man, they shall break his bone.
If he puts out the eye of a villain or breaks the bone of a villain, he shall
pay 1 maneh of silver.
If he puts out the eye of a [free] man's slave or breaks the bone of a [free]
man's slave, he shall pay half his price.
If a man knocks out the tooth of a [free] man equal [in rank] to him[self],
they shall knock out his tooth.
If he knocks out the tooth of a villain, he shall pay 1/3 maneh of silver.
If a man strikes the cheek of a [free] man who is superior [in rank] to
him[self], he shall be beaten with 60 stripes with a whip of ox-hide in the
assembly.
If the man strikes the cheek of a free man equal to him[self in rank], he
shall pay 1 maneh of silver.
If a villain strikes the cheek of a villain, he shall pay 10 shekels of
silver.
If the slave of a [free] man strikes the cheek of a free man, they shall cut
off his ear.
-----------------



Would the World Be Better Off Without Religion? A Skeptic’s Guide to the Debate
·Scott O. Lilienfeld and Rachel Ammirati
The widespread assertion that the world would be better off without religion is a reasonable hypothesis. Yet data suggest that skeptics should attach no more than a modest level of probability to it.
If you Googled the question constituting the title of this article—or minor variants of it—as the first author of this article did on Christmas Day of 2013, you’d end up with more than 650,000 hits. This high number attests to the keen public interest generated by this age-old question. Indeed, few topics have generated more impassioned discussion among religious believers and skeptics alike. For example, in 2007, the British organization Intelligence-Squared hosted a lively debate on the proposition that “We’d be better off without religion,” with proponents of the motion—Richard Dawkins, A.C. Grayling, and Christopher Hitchens—squaring off against the opponents Julia Neuberger, Professor Roger Scruton, and Nigel Spivey. Over the past decade, a seemingly never-ending parade of books and articles have tackled “the question,” as we dub it, from various angles; entering the phrase “better off without religion” into an Amazon.com book search yields over 130 results.
Arguably, what is most striking about responses to the question by many prominent partisans on both sides is their extremely high level of confidence in the answer. For example, in a 2011 interview with Slate magazine, author and political commentator Dinesh D’Souza opined that “For a truly secular society, we should look to Stalin’s Russia or Mao’s China. But that’s the tip of the iceberg … The result [of these societies] has inevitably been repression, totalitarianism, persecution of the churches, and just a miserable society” (Weingarten 2011). Turning to the opposing side, in an interview with journalist Laura Sheahen (2007), evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins embraced the unequivocal position that the world would be a far better place without belief in God, contending that religion increases the chances of war and political discord. Sheahen asked him, “If you had to make a case for religion—one positive, if minor, thing religion has done, what would it be?” Dawkins responded, “It’s true that some kind, nice, sympathetic people are also religious, and they might say that their kindness is motivated by religion. But equally kind people are often not religious. I really don’t think I can think of anything; I really can’t.” (emphasis added; http://salmonriver.com/environment/dawkinsinterview.html). Later, in a 2013 interview with CNN, Dawkins maintained, “The very idea that we get a moral compass from religion is horrible” (Prager 2013).
In this article, we address the overarching question of whether high levels of certitude are warranted among partisans of either position. In the interest of full disclosure, both authors of this article are atheists. At the same time, we have become concerned by what appears to be unjustified dogmatism by both religious skeptics and believers in discussions concerning an exceedingly complex and multifaceted question. Therefore, we attempt to demonstrate that (a) scientific data bearing indirectly on the question have routinely been neglected by many individuals on both sides of the debate; (b) such data, although informative, do not permit anything approaching conclusive answers to the question of whether religion makes the world a better or worse place. At the same time, such data cast serious doubt on broad-brush contentions (e.g., Dawkins 2006) that religion is usually or always associated with a heightened risk of immoral behavior, including violence. Hence, we view our article as a modest call for greater epistemic humility on the part of ardent defenders of both positions.
Is the Question Even Answerable?
In practice, the question posed here is probably not answerable with certainty because a genuine experimental test of the question is impossible. For both pragmatic and ethical reasons, we could never randomly assign individuals to a condition in which they were raised in a religious environment and randomly assign others to be raised in a nonreligious environment, all the while ensuring that all participants in this fanciful Gedanken experiment experienced little or no contact with the contrasting worldview. Putting it differently, we will almost certainly never know the hypothetical counterfactual (Dawes 1994) to the question posed at the article’s outset; by “hypothetical counterfactual,” we mean the outcome that would have resulted had the world, or a large chunk of it, never been exposed to religion. That is not to say, however, that circumstantial scientific data cannot inform the question or adjust a rational individual’s assignment of probability to its answer.
Moreover, the question as commonly phrased (“Would the world be better off without religion?”) is probably not strictly answerable with scientific data because the word better necessarily entails a series of value judgments. Reasonable people will surely disagree on what would make the world a better place. Would the world be “better” with more political conservatism, invasive animal research, modern art, McDonald’s hamburgers, or Justin Biebers? The answers to these queries are matters of personal preference and lie outside the boundaries of science (although we would dispute the rationality of readers who reply “yes” to the last option). Nevertheless, when scholars have pondered whether the world would be better off without religion, the lion’s share have almost always referred, either implicitly or explicitly, to a world that is more humane—one in which people treat each other kindly. For provisional research purposes, we can operationalize this propensity roughly in terms of lower rates of aggression and higher rates of altruism. In this article, we therefore address the more tangible question of whether a world devoid of religion would witness (a) lower levels of criminal and antisocial behavior1, including violence, and (b) higher levels of prosocial (altruistic) behavior than a world with religion.
It should perhaps go without saying that the question of whether the world would be better off without religion has no logical bearing on the ontological question of God’s existence. It is entirely possible to maintain that (a) God does not exist, but belief in God makes the world a more humane place on balance, or (b) God does exist, but belief in God makes the world a less humane place on balance. Indeed, a group of scholars who are sometimes encompassed under the rubric of Atheism 3.0 have recently lobbied for (a). They maintain that although there is no God, belief in God makes the world a kinder and gentler place (e.g., Sheiman 2009).
In any case, it should be beyond dispute that the question of God’s existence is logically and factually independent of the question of whether belief in God’s existence is beneficial for the human species. Nevertheless, it is all too easy to conflate these two questions, and we suspect that many partisans on both sides of the debate have done so, at least implicitly. If one concludes that belief in God is rational, one may be tempted to assume that belief in God would make the world a better place; conversely, if one concludes that belief in God is irrational, one may be tempted to assume that belief in God would make the world a worse place. At the risk of adding yet another logical fallacy to lengthy lists of such fallacies (e.g., Bennett 2012), we term this the argument from existence/nonexistence fallacy.2 In essence, this fallacy is the inverse of the familiar “argument from adverse consequences fallacy” (see Sagan 1995), in which one erroneously reasons backward from the adverse effects of a belief to gauge this belief’s veracity (e.g., “Lack of belief in God has negative consequences, so therefore God exists”). In contrast, the individual committing the argument from the existence/nonexistence fallacy incorrectly presumes that accurate beliefs regarding the existence of an entity (e.g., God) will always or usually lead to more salutary real-world outcomes. Yet, as the psychological literature on positive illusions suggests (Taylor and Brown 1988; but see Colvin and Block 1994, for a dissenting view), inaccurate beliefs may in some cases be tied to more adaptive outcomes, including higher levels of well-being and more satisfying interpersonal relationships.
The Neglect of Research Evidence
Surprisingly, the extensive body of social science data bearing on the links between religion and both moral and immoral behavior have typically gone unmentioned in public discussions regarding the merits or demerits of religion. Two high-profile examples from religious skeptics are especially striking. In his 447-page book, Breaking the Spell: Religion as a Natural Phenomenon, philosopher and prominent atheist Daniel Dennett (2006) devotes at most two pages (pp. 279–280) to the question of whether religion helps to makes people more moral, dismissing it peremptorily:
I have uncovered no evidence to support the claim that people, religious or not, who don’t [emphasis in original] believe in reward or heaven and/or punishment in hell are more likely to kill, rape, rob or break their promises than people who do. The prison population in the United States shows Catholics, Protestants, Jews, Muslims and others—including those with no religious affiliation —are represented about as they are in the general population. (p. 279)
Later, Dennett quips that
. . . Nothing approaching a settled consensus among researchers has been achieved, but one thing we can be sure of is that if [emphasis in original] there is a significant positive relationship between moral behavior and religious affiliation, practice, or belief, it will soon be discovered, since so many religious organizations are eager to confirm their demonstration underlines the suspicion that it just isn’t so. (p. 280)
For unclear reasons, Dennett neglects to review several dozen studies and at least two large-scale reviews bearing directly on this question (Baier and Wright 2001; Ellis 1985), including substantial bodies of data on the relation between religious belief and criminal behavior, which we examine in the following section.
Similarly, in his 405-page book, The God Delusion, Dawkins (2006) devotes approximately two pages (pp. 229–230) to this question. Dawkins approvingly cites Dennett’s aforementioned conclusions and refers only in passing to correlational data on the relation between religion and morality. Without citing any references to the substantial psychological and sociological literature on the topic, Dawkins maintains that “such research evidence as there is certainly doesn’t support the common view that religion is positively correlated with morality” (p. 229). Instead, on the same page, Dawkins cites only one observation, from neuroscientist Sam Harris (2006), that U.S. states that tend to be more socially conservative (and that are also characterized by higher levels of religiosity) are marked by higher levels of violent crime. We agree with Dawkins and Harris that such data may inform the debate. Nonetheless, these findings are difficult to interpret in view of the “ecological fallacy,” the error of drawing inferences regarding individual-level associations (in this case, the relation between religion and violence) from population-level data. It is well-established that this fallacy often (Piantadosi et al. 1988), although by no means always (Schwartz 1994), results in erroneous conclusions regarding the relation between two variables. 3 Because more informative data derive from examinations of the associations between religion and criminal behavior at the individual level, we examine such data next.
Correlational Data
Does religion make good people behave badly? When approaching this question, it is all too easy to “cherry-pick” historical instances in which religion, or the lack thereof, is tied to violent, even horrific, acts. Unquestionably, some of the world’s greatest atrocities have been perpetrated in the name of religion. In the opening pages of The God Delusion, Dawkins (2006) recites a plethora of examples:
Imagine, with John Lennon, a world with no religion. Imagine no suicide bombers, no 9/11, no 7/7, no Crusades, no witch-hunts, no Gunpowder Plot, no Indian partition, no Israeli/Palestinian wars, no Serb/Croat/Muslim massacres, no persecution of Jews as “Christ-killers,” no Northern Ireland “troubles”… Imagine no Taliban to blow up ancient statues, no public beheadings of blasphemers, no flogging of female skin for the crime of showing an inch of it. (pp. 1–2)
The difficulty with this line of reasoning becomes evident, however, when considering an at least equally lengthy list of historical counterexamples. Even setting aside the contentious question of whether Hitler was inspired by religious doctrine, a topic that falls outside of our expertise to evaluate (see Dawkins 2006 and Evans 2007 for discussions), one can just as readily invoke scores of cases of heinous nonreligious violence on a grand scale. For example, radio–talk show host and political columnist Dennis Prager (2011) contends that “. . . far more people have been murdered—not to mention enslaved and tortured—by secular anti-religious regimes than by all God-based groups in history.” In support of this contention, he cites Mao Tse-tung’s murder of between forty and seventy million people, Stalin’s murder of at least twenty million of his own citizens, Pol Pot’s murder of approximately one in four Cambodians, the North Korean regime’s slaughter of millions of its citizens, among numerous other examples. It is safe to say that extremism of many kinds, religious or not, can predispose to large-scale violence, especially when conjoined with the deeply entrenched belief that one’s enemies are not merely mistaken but deeply evil (Lilienfeld et al. 2009). Whether religious belief makes such hate-fueled aggression more or less likely on average is far from clear.
Indeed, the question of whether religion increases or decreases the risk of genocidal and other large-scale violence may never be answered to our satisfaction. Nevertheless, the more circumscribed question of whether belief in God specifically, and religiosity more generally, are correlated—statistically associated—with criminal and antisocial behavior, including violence, has been investigated in dozens of studies.
The results of a few early investigations suggested little or no relation between religiosity and crime (e.g., Hirschi and Stark 1969). In contrast, more recent studies, as well as meta-analyses (quantitative syntheses) of the literature, have converged on a consistent conclusion: belief in God bears a statistically significant, albeit relatively weak, association with lower levels of criminal and antisocial behavior, including physical aggression toward others (a statistically significant finding is one that would be extremely unlikely to be observed if the null hypothesis of a zero correlation between the variables were true). For example, in a meta-analysis of sixty studies that yielded seventy-nine correlations, Baier and Wright (2001) found a statistically significant, but weak, negative correlation (r=-.12) between religiosity and crime (correlations range from -1.0 to +1.0, and a correlation with an absolute value of .1 is typically regarded as weak in magnitude). Notably, all seventy-nine correlations were negative, although most fell in the range of -.05 to -.20. These findings run counter to Dennett’s (2006) claim, seconded by Dawkins (2006), that there is no statistical association between religiosity and criminality.
Still, this link appears to be qualified by other variables. The results of several studies suggest that the correlation between religiosity and crime is moderated by attendance at churches or other places of worship, with more frequent attenders being at especially low risk for crime (Ellis 1985; Good and Willoughby 2006). In addition, the diminished risk for aggression and antisocial behavior appears to be more closely associated with intrinsic religiosity, in which individuals view religion as personally important for its own sake (e.g., “I try hard to live all of my life according to my religious beliefs”) than with extrinsic religiosity, in which individuals view religion as a means to a personal end (e.g., “The primary purpose of prayer is to gain relief and protection”) (Bouchard et al. 1999).
More generally, religiosity is moderately and positively associated with self-control, a trait closely tied to impulse control; again, this association is especially pronounced for people with high levels of intrinsic religiosity (McCullough and Willoughby 2009). In work from our laboratory recently submitted for publication (Lilienfeld et al. 2014), we even found a slight but statistically significant tendency for religious nonbelievers (including professed atheists and agnostics) to report higher levels of certain traits relevant to psychopathic personality (psychopathy), especially weak impulse control and lack of empathy, relative to religious believers. Needless to say, however, the weak magnitude of these associations in no way implies that most atheists are psychopathic, let alone psychopaths.
Other correlational data point to a consistent association between religion and prosocial behavior. For example, in a meta-analysis of forty studies of adolescents, religiosity was moderately and positively associated with prosocial behaviors, such as volunteer work, altruistic acts, and empathic concern toward others (Cheung and Yeung 2011). Broadly mirroring other findings on the intrinsic-extrinsic religiosity distinction, the relation between religiosity and prosocial behavior was most marked for participants with high levels of private (rather than public) religious participation, such as individuals who pray when alone.
In a study of high-school students, Furrow and colleagues (2004) similarly found a strong association between religiosity and prosocial interests, including empathy and a sense of responsibility toward others. Most, although not all, investigators (e.g., Kohlberg 1981) have also reported positive correlations between individuals’ religiosity and their level of moral reasoning (Ellis and Peterson 1996), meaning that more religious individuals tend to reason in slightly more sophisticated ways about moral problems compared with nonreligious individuals (although moral reasoning and moral behavior tend to be only moderately correlated; e.g., Stams et al. 2006). Still other investigators have found that unconsciously priming participants by asking them to unscramble sentences containing words relevant to religion (e.g., God, sacred) makes them more financially generous to other subjects compared with unprimed participants (Shariff and Norenzayan 2007). The extent to which these laboratory findings can be generalized to real-world altruism remains to be seen, however.
Scholars have proposed numerous causal explanations for the link between religion and moral behavior (see Baier and Wright 2001 for a review). Among these hypotheses are that (a) fear of God’s wrath in the afterlife makes believers refrain from unethical actions (the so-called “hellfire hypothesis”); (b) consistent with the generally accepted etymology of the word religion as reflecting “tying together,” religious beliefs bind individuals more closely to communities, families, and others (social control theory); and (c) religious beliefs foster shame and guilt regarding unethical actions, thereby deterring people from engaging in them (rational choice theory). At the risk of oversimplifying an exceedingly large and complex body of literature, we can conclude that there is no definitive or even especially compelling evidence for any of these explanations, although none has been falsified. For example, in a study of 2,616 twins, Kendler and colleagues (2003) reported that a set of items reflecting belief in God as a punitive judge of one’s actions was significantly and negatively associated with risk for drinking and drug problems but was not significantly associated with risk for disorders associated with antisocial behavior, thereby offering inconsistent support for the hellfire hypothesis. The authors did find, however, a negative association between general religiosity and antisocial behavior disorders, corroborating the other correlational findings reviewed here.
Caveats
Although extant correlational data are broadly consistent in demonstrating a statistical association between religious belief and (a) decreased levels of antisocial and criminal behavior and (b) heightened levels of prosocial behavior, such findings do not and cannot demonstrate causality (Galen 2012). As statisticians remind us, correlation does not by itself imply causation. Hence, the aforementioned hypotheses regarding the causal effect of religion on moral behavior may be explanations in search of a phenomenon. Authors who interpret these correlational data as demonstrating “the effect of religion on crime” (e.g., Baier and Wright 2001, 3) are therefore going well beyond the available evidence. Moreover, these findings leave us with the at least equally complex question of whether we can generalize from individual-level correlations between religion and crime to the broader implications of religion for society as a whole.
Although the correlational data are consistent with a potential causal influence of religion on moral behavior, many other explanations are possible. For example, what statisticians term the causal arrow could be reversed: higher levels of moral behavior might contribute to higher levels of religiosity. Longitudinal studies, which track participants over time, may eventually help to adjudicate between these competing hypotheses. The quite limited longitudinal data available thus far are mixed, with some studies finding that changes in people’s religiosity predict a lower risk of future delinquency and vice-versa (thereby suggesting a bidirectional relation), but with others finding no association in either direction (Eisenberg et al. 2011). In addition, much of the prosocial behavior exhibited by religious individuals is directed toward other religious individuals, so this behavior could partly reflect what psychologists call “in-group bias (Galen 2012).
Alternatively, one or more “third variables,” such as personality traits, could be responsible for the statistical association. For example, religiosity tends to be moderately associated with high levels of agreeableness and conscientiousness (Lodi-Smith and Roberts 2007; McCullough and Willoughby 2009). The literature already reviewed linking religiosity with self-control is consistent with this possibility, as conscientiousness is strongly associated with self-control. Therefore, religiosity per se may not contribute directly to higher levels of moral behavior; instead, religiosity may merely be a proxy for personality traits that are themselves related to morality. Indeed, twin data indicate that at least some of the association between religiosity and altruism is in part genetically mediated, meaning that some of the same genes that predispose to religiosity predispose to prosocial behavior (Koenig et al. 2007). These genes may contribute to personality traits that boost the chances of both religiosity and prosocial behavior, although this hypothesis awaits future research.
Another hypothesis is that devout and steadfast adherence to any meaningful worldview, rather than a religious worldview per se, is the genuine causal factor. As noted earlier, research points to a robust negative correlation between attendance at religious services and risk for crime. For example, it is possible that one would observe a comparably high correlation among atheists who are regular attendees at meetings of secular humanists. This intriguing hypothesis similarly warrants systematic investigation.
Moreover, even setting aside the crucial issue of causality, the reported correlations are almost always weak or at most moderate in magnitude. Hence, if there is a causal relation between religion and morality, it is most likely either (a) modest in size or (b) large in size but suppressed statistically (masked) by undetermined variables. The middling correlations also tell us that many religious individuals engage in high levels of immoral behavior, and that many nonreligious individuals engage in high levels of moral behavior, a point acknowledged by political and religious commentator Dennis Prager (2013): “None of this [the assertion that God informs morality] means that only believers in God can be good or that atheists cannot be good. There are bad believers and there are good atheists.” Furthermore, we are unaware of any data indicating that the relation between religiosity and morality takes the form of a threshold effect, whereby a “critical” level of religiosity is needed to be moral. Hence, we can safely answer a different—and widely asked—question with a high level of certainty: “Does one need religion to be moral?” The correlational data permit as close to a definitive answer as one can probably achieve in social science: No. Many nonreligious people clearly exhibit high levels of moral behavior and thinking.
Religion as a Protective Factor against Immoral Behavior
Arguably, somewhat more compelling evidence for a potential causal role for religion in moral behavior derives from studies on the potential protective effects of religion on antisocial behavior. In these designs, investigators typically examine individuals at elevated risk for immoral actions, such as those who possess high levels of personality traits (such as impulsivity) that increase risk for such actions, or those reared in high-crime areas. The hypothesis tested in such studies is what researchers term a statistical interaction, which mathematically is a multiplicative rather than additive effect. In more concrete terms, investigators are testing the hypothesis that religion is especially likely to attenuate the risk of antisocial behavior among individuals who are most predisposed to it. This hypothesis carries a certain surface plausibility. Most individuals may not need religion to behave morally, but certain individuals—namely, those with potent dispositional or sociocultural pre­dispositions—may need religion as a buffer of “line of last defense” against their antisocial propensities. These may be the very people for whom a moral compass offered by religion is necessary, or at least helpful.
Regrettably, this important hypothesis has been examined in only a handful of studies. Still, the admittedly limited findings are reasonably, although not entirely (Desmond et al. 2013), consistent. In many cases, religious belief appears to play a protective role against antisocial behavior among high-risk individuals. For example, in a study of young adolescents (average age of thirteen), Laird and colleagues (2011) found that the importance of religion to participants was related to a lower risk of rule-breaking behavior, including physical aggression. Notably, this decreased risk was highest among adolescents with low levels of impulse control. Similarly, in a large-sample study of adolescents, investigators found that high levels of religiosity exerted a buffering effect on the risk of alcohol and illicit drug use following negative life events (Wills et al. 2003; see also Bodford and Hussong 2013). In still another study of adolescents and young adults involved in gangs in El Salvador, Salas-Wright and colleagues (2013) reported that both religious coping and spirituality (especially the latter) were tied to lower rates of certain delinquent behaviors, including carrying a weapon, vandalism, and theft. Still, because the authors did not directly test a statistical interaction between risk-status (such as weak versus strong impulse control) and religiosity, the existence of a protective effect in this study can only be inferred indirectly.
Caveats
The results of protective studies are sparse but provocative, and they raise the possibility that religious belief buffers high-risk individuals, such as those who are especially impulsive, against antisocial behavior. Still, as in the case of correlational studies, we cannot be certain that the findings reflect a genuine causal effect of religiosity on diminished risk for antisocial behavior. The apparent protective effect of religion on high-risk individuals could again reflect the indirect effect of unmeasured third variables, such as conscientiousness or devotion to a broader worldview, that are themselves correlated with religiosity. In future research, investigators should incorporate measures of such variables to test rival hypotheses for the buffering effect.
Conclusions
The widely advanced hypothesis that the world would be “better”—more humane—without religion is entirely reasonable, and it should continue to be debated by thoughtful scholars. Contrary to the forceful assertions of some prominent atheist authors (e.g., Dawkins 2006; Dennett 2006), however, the data consistently point to a negative association between religiosity and criminal behavior and a positive association between religiosity and prosocial behavior. Both relations are modest in magnitude and ambiguous with respect to causation. At the same time, they cannot be ignored by partisans on either side of the discussion.
Our bottom-line conclusion is straightforward: any individuals who attach an extremely high level of probability to the answer to the question we have posed are placing opinions over evidence. Blanket assertions by advocates of either position can most charitably be described as scientifically premature. As in all scientific debates, humility in the face of equivocal data should be the watchword.
Moreover, we urge caution in “arguing by example,” as many influential scholars have done when addressing this question. One can readily generate compelling historical evidence that seemingly supports the hypothesis that religion makes the world more dangerous (e.g., Dawkins 2006), as well as equally compelling historical evidence that seemingly refutes it (e.g., Prager 2013). One might well suspect that there is some truth to both positions, and that religion may sometimes be a force for good and sometimes a force for evil, depending on the specific religious beliefs, specific individuals, and specific historical contexts involved.
In evaluating many of the debates concerning this question in the popular media, it is difficult not to be struck by the frequent neglect of the substantial scientific data bearing on it. Neither side has been immune from this tendency. For example, in a piece on the Huffington Post blog posted in December of 2013, pastor Rick Henderson wrote, “There is no morally good atheist, because [according to the atheist world view] there really is no objective morality” (Henderson 2013). Yet this assertion is contradicted by the correlational data we have reviewed, which demonstrate that many nonbelievers engage in high levels of moral behavior.
On the flip side of the coin, take Nobel Prize–winning physicist Steven Weinberg’s 1999 assertion, endorsed by Dawkins (2006, p. 249), that “With or without religion, you would have good people doing good things and evil people doing evil things. But for good people to do evil things, that takes religion” (see Lindner 2005). This proposition runs counter to an enormous body of social psychological data demonstrating that many, if not most, good people can be led to perform unethical acts with no religious coercion. For example, in the classic obedience studies of Stanley Milgram (1963; see Burger 2009 for a more recent replication), large proportions of participants were induced by an “experimenter” in a white lab coat (who was actually a confederate of Milgram’s) to deliver what they believed to be powerful and potentially deadly electric shocks to another innocent “participant” (who was another confederate of Milgram’s). In this study, nary a hint of religious influence was invoked. The purported experimenter carried the banner of the authority of science, not of religion. Interestingly, in the lone study to our knowledge to examine religiosity in the context of the Milgram paradigm, Bock and Warren (1972)4 found that both extreme religious nonbelievers and extreme religious believers were the least likely to comply with the experimenter’s demands to administer shocks; for reasons that are unclear, moderate believers were the most likely. Still, even the small number of nonbelievers delivered more than their share of shocks.
The Bock and Warren study, although limited in size (thirty participants in total), reminds us of how complicated the association between religiosity and moral (and immoral) behavior is likely to be. This link stubbornly resists reduction to simple formulas, probably because it is contingent on a host of still undiscovered factors. In addition, if the results of Bock and Warren’s investigation are replicable, they would imply that the relation between religiosity and moral behavior may be sometimes curvilinear or “dose-dependent,” further confounding facile efforts to equate religiosity in general with either prosocial or antisocial behavior (Galen 2012).
Some nonbelievers may react to this debate by staking out an alternative position: as scientific thinkers and skeptics, we should be seeking the truth, the consequences be damned. From this perspective, if God does not exist, we should be discouraging uncritical acceptance of religious tenets regardless of whether they exert beneficial or detrimental long-term effects on society. Knowledge, Sir Francis Bacon asserted, is power. In our view, this position is both intellectually consistent and intellectually honest, and we see merit in it. At the same time, advocates of this position need to be forthright in acknowledging that it may entail unknown risks that need to be weighed in public discussions of the value of religion to society.
Other thoughtful readers may object to our article on the grounds that the very question as we and others have framed it is woefully simplistic. According to one frequently cited estimate, there are approximately 4,200 religions in the world (Dekker 2009), with countless subtle differences within many of these belief systems. And surely, individuals apprehend and apply the religious tenets of their chosen faiths in a seemingly endless variety of ways. Making matters more complicated, cultures differ with regard to what behaviors they regard as moral or immoral. For example, although virtually all individuals in all cultures agree that theft and murder should be prohibited, there are sizeable differences of opinion when it comes to certain other activities, such as homosexuality, abortion, and open government protests (Wilson and Herrnstein 1985). Hence, the objection continues, attempting to answer the question of whether “religion in general” makes society “better in general” is a fool’s errand.
The point is well taken, and indeed, to the extent that the aforementioned caveats are legitimate, and we suspect that they are, they are all the more reason to insist on humility and circumspection in our claims. Most scientific assertions, especially those in the “softer” sciences of psychology, sociology, and cultural anthropology, possess boundary conditions (Meehl 1978), and it seems implausible that the presence or absence of all religious beliefs would yield similar effects on all societies across all historical periods.
In the meantime, as the debate continues, we exhort readers to emulate the epistemic modesty of our Emory University colleague, primatologist Frans de Waal (2013), who addressed this question with the thoughtful uncertainty that it richly deserves:
I’m struggling with whether we need religion. . . . Personally I think we can be moral without religion because we probably had morality long before the current religions came along . . . so I am optimistic that religion is not strictly needed. But I cannot be a hundred percent sure because we’ve never really tried—there is no human society where religion is totally absent so we really have never tried this experiment.

Acknowledgments
The authors thank Frans de Waal, Lori Marino, Susan Himes, and Bill Hendrick for their helpful comments on previous drafts of this manuscript.
Notes
1. The term antisocial, which means “against society,” should not be confused with asocial, which means “apart” from society. The antisocial person engages in behaviors that harm others, such as criminal acts, whereas the asocial person prefers to have little to do with others.
2. In some cases, this fallacy may stem from a “representativeness heuristic,” the tendency to presume that “like goes with like” (Kahneman 2011; see also Gilovich and Savitsky’s 1996 article in Skeptical Inquirer). Individuals who perceive that a belief, such as belief in God, reflects a rational judgment may assume that this belief goes along with other positive things, such as more humane treatment of others, and vice versa for people who perceive a belief to be irrational.
3. One widely cited example of the ecological fallacy derives from the work of Robinson (1950), who identified a high correlation between being foreign-born (versus being U.S.-born) and literacy across the then-forty-eight U.S. states. Yet, when Robinson examined this association at the individual level, the actual correlation was not only much weaker but in the opposite direction: people born in the U.S. had higher levels of literacy. The reason for the fallacious ecological correlation was migration: recent immigrants to the U.S. tended to move to states with higher levels of literacy. That said, an ecological study of crime rates across thirteen nations yielded only mixed support for the Harris/Dawkins hypothesis: countries with higher levels of religiosity tended to exhibit lower levels of property (but not violent) crime (Ellis and Peterson 1996).
4. In an interesting bit of trivia, the study’s second author, Neil Clark Warren, later went on to found the religiously inspired online dating site, eHarmony.com.
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Ellis, L. 1985. Religiosity and criminality: Evidence and explanations of complex relationships. Sociological Perspectives 28(4): 501–20.
Ellis, L., and J. Peterson. 1996. Crime and religion: An international comparison among thirteen industrial nations. Personality and Individual Differences 20(6): 761–68.
Evans, R.J. 2007. Nazism, Christianity and political religion: A debate. Journal of Contemporary History 42(1): 5–7.
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Galen, L.W. 2012. Does religious belief promote prosociality? A critical examination. Psychological Bulletin 138: 876–906.
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Good, M., and T. Willoughby. 2006. The role of spirituality versus religiosity in adolescent psychosocial adjustment. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 35(1): 39–53.
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Scott O. Lilienfeld and Rachel Ammirati
Scott O. Lilienfeld, PhD, is a professor of psychology at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, and a CSI Fellow.
Rachel Ammirati, PhD, is a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Psychiatry at Emory University.

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FIRST PEOPLES BEFORE EUROPEAN CONTACT
Canada's First Nations: An Introduction
Historical Overview

Canada's First Nations have been in the country we now call Canada for at least 12,000 years, perhaps much longer.

For almost all that time, they survived very well in a harsh environment, making everything they needed without polluting the water, or air, and without destroying the land or decimating the animal populations.

Each First Nation had self-government and recognized the sovereignty of other First Nations. They all developed unique systems of government, and complex material cultures (tools, clothing, shelter, transportation, etc.)

Most First Nations of Canada lived mainly from hunting and fishing. They migrated seasonally to get food. They did not wander aimlessly.

They moved their camps from season to season to specific places and areas where they knew there would be food. In one season, they would hunt large animals; in another they would fish; in the fall they would gather berries, and so on.

The only farming people were the Iroquois and Hurons, and related tribes, in what is now southern Ontario.




The Sacred Circle of Life

Seasonal migration was a continuous pattern, with each group following the same pattern each year, according to to the natural cycles of the plants and animals.

Members of each clan usually came together in a big gathering at least once a year.

Because the regular seasonal pattern of life and movement of the animals and people was a continuous pattern, like a circle with no beginning and no end, the circle became a sacred symbol for First Nations people, the circle of life and renewal.

image

The Sacred Circle of Life
 Represented here on a drum. (Image from www.blessingways.net)


Major Migrations

There have been many large scale migrations across North America over time because of climate changes, epidemics, changes in the migration routes of animals, one group expanding into another's territories, victory and defeat in warfare, and many other reasons.

These large scale movements are not the same as the seasonal migrations to follow food sources.
 
Trade

First Peoples had many well established trading patterns and trade alliances throughout North America.

Archaeologists have found plenty of evidence of early trade of items such as pottery, silver, and copper tools.
 
Complex Cultures

Canada's First Peoples developed complex cultures and lived in harmony with their environment. Everything they had was made from the land around them and its plants and animals - food, clothes, shelter, wood, tools, weapons, dyes, decoration, musical instruments, and ceremonial artifacts.

First Nations people created several distinct cultures, each based on adaptation to a different Canadian environment.

Each cultural group was made up of several nations with similarities in language, social structure, and similar ways of making a living from the environment they lived in.

Each group of people developed distinctive housing, tools, clothing, transportation, tools, and weapons, and ceremonies, and had their own stories about their origins, and how to interpret the world around them.

They used many kinds of medicines from plants. Many of the medicines we use today are based on First Nations knowledge of the healing qualities of certain plants.




Government

Canada's First Nations all had complex social systems, with several levels of government based on the family, the band or clan, and the nation or tribe.

Their leaders, or Chiefs, were chosen in different ways, but were always people who had special leadership qualities that brought them respect from their people.

In most First Nations, a council of elders advised the Chief, and decisions were made by consensus, which means that the council would discuss a matter of importance, and then would make a decision that the majority agreed on.

First Nations recognized each other as sovereign nations, and made friendship treaties, or military alliances with each other. Some nations were traditional enemies, and went through periods of war or peace.



Buffalo Bulls Backfat/ Painter - George Catlin


Religion

First Nations people were very religious, and respectful of the Great Spirit, and other spirits that they believe inhabited the land and animals all around them.

First Nations people were taught, from the time they were very young, to respect and give thanks to the animals, birds, plants, and the land and water that gave them all the things that they depended on to stay alive.
 
Oral Tradition

First Nations people did not have a writing system based on an alphabet, but they had a strong oral tradition. That means that knowledge of events or matters of  historic importance was preserved by passing information from person to person, and generation to generation.

There were usually specific people in the tribe or band who knew their whole history, and related these events to others at special gatherings. Tales of important events were told and retold around the campfire, as stories are told everywhere.

First Nations also had various ways of recording events, to trigger the memory of those relating the events. For example, wampum belts had pictures woven into them to tell a story. Drawings on bark or hide preserved the record of events.

In recent years, many First Nations people have been collecting these old stories from elders, and preserving them on tape, and writing them down.
 
Legends and Stories

Like every human culture in the world, Canada's First Peoples have stories to explain the origins of the earth and its animals and people.

First Peoples' creation stories often contain references to specific landmarks, such as mountains or lakes, that give us good information about the areas that a group of people lived in, and the routes they followed as they migrated over the centuries to the areas they now live in.

Canada's First Peoples also have many other wonderful stories and legends about real or imaginary characters and settings, just as every group of people on earth do.

These stories were not written down, but were passed on through their oral tradition. Stories were told over and over, and everyone learned them. Children grew up, and passed the stories onto their children.

Stories among First Nations peoples serve the same purpose as stories do for other cultures all over the world.

They entertain, they teach listeners how to deal with the world around them, they teach people about good and evil, about bravery and cowardice; they make listeners think about the consequences of their behavior; they scare children with spooky stories so they do not wander away from home, and so on.
















CANADA'S FIRST PEOPLES B4 CONTACT- maps and history






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Religion in Colonial America

By Lawanda Brewer, Heather Jaques, Ranada Jones, Joshua King
Students, University of North Carolina at Pembroke, 2001

Many people came to America to search for religious freedom.  Their hope was to escape the religious persecution they were facing in their countries.  The one thing they did not want to do was to establish a church like the Church of England.  The colonists wanted a chance to worship freely and have an opportunity to choose which religion they wanted to take part in.  Upon arriving in America (the Pilgrims being the first to arrive in 1620), the journey began for the search of the "perfect" religion that could satisfy the needs of the people.

Many religious groups (such as the Quakers and Puritans) formed the first 13 colonies on the basis of their religious beliefs.  Although the plan was to escape persecution, there was actually some amount of persecution happening in the colonies.  One example of this persecution would be with the Puritans.  The Puritans wanted everyone to worship in the Puritan way.  In order to ensure that Puritanism dominated the colonies, nonconformists were fined, banished, whipped, and even imprisoned for not conforming to the way of the Puritans.  Eventually this persecution was ended and other religions began to appear.

The Anglicans were already established in most of the colonies and were even part of the group of people that were "persecuted" by the Puritans.  However, after the dispersement of the Puritans, the number of other religions in the colonies began to increase.  Baptists appeared in a majority of the colonies, Roman Catholics and Protestants organized in Maryland and even some German religions surfaced in a few of the colonies.  Later came the Lutherans, who formed in the German communities in Pennsylvania, and the Presbyterians, who even had an appearance in the Massachusetts Proposals of 1705.

Religious diversity had  become a dominant part of colonial life.  The colonies were a patchwork of religiously diverse communities and, as a result, the population of America increased quickly. People from all over the world wanted the freedom that was found in America and they began to move their homelands to America.  Groups such as the Scotch-Irish were among the first to begin that emigration to America.  As a result, religious persecution was beginning to diminish and religious freedom began to replace it.

Religion also became a dominant part of American politics.  The Cambridge Platform was established in the 1640's.  This document was a part of the Puritan theology and adopted the Westminister Confession.  Then, in 1649, the Act Concerning Religion was enacted.  This act has even been considered one of the greatest additions to the freedom of religion in America.  Later political documents included the Massachusetts Proposals and the Adopting Act of 1729.  The Bill of Rights added to religious freedom with the First Amendment.

Eventually, the issue of church and state became a topic of debate.  According to Clifton Olmstead, author of History of Religion in United States, the separation of church and state was completed by the Constitution in 1777 (214).   There were numerous groups of people who disagreed with the separation.  Some even thought that it would have no effect on the growth of religion in the United States.  Olmstead quotes a Congregationalist minister about his idea of the separation:   "It was as dark a day as ever I saw.  The odium thrown upon the ministry was inconceivable.  The injury done to the cause of Christ, as we then supposed, was irreparable.  For several days I suffered what no tongue can tell for the best thing that ever happened to the State of Connecticut.  It cut the churches loose from dependence on state support.  It threw them wholly on their own resources and on God. . . .They say ministers have lost their influence; the fact is, they have gained.  By voluntary efforts, societies, missions, and revivals, they exert a deeper influence than ever they could by queues and shoe buckles, and cocked hats and gold-headed canes"(215).

Overall, religion was an important aspect in the colonization of America.  It became a dominant part of the lives of the colonists and continued to grow over the years.  Events such as the Salem Witchcraft Trials of the 1690's and the Great Awakening of the 1730's only increased the influence of religion in America.  America had become a refuge for those who wanted religious freedom and became a home to the many people that had the chance to improve their lives.

Works Cited

    Olmstead, Clifton E. History of Religion in the University



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FUTURE OF MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
"In many Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep and it is spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling. Whole societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. As long as the Middle East remains a place where freedom does not flourish, it will remain a place of stagnation, resentment, and violence ready for export."
--- George.W.Bush---


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www.vox.com/a/maps-explain-the-middle-east - Cached
5 May 2014 ... People started farming here in 9000 BC, and by around 2500 BC ... How the
Middle East gave Europe religion, three times ... AD — they managed to conquer
the entire Middle East, North Africa, Persia, and parts of southern Europe. ... until
it began declining in the mid-1800s, collapsed after World War I, ...


http://img.youtube.com/vi/GHxcQgDM1nY/default.jpg?h=90&w=120&sigh=__4SlqPZzjr0AR21IrvVJl987pWyQ=

www.youtube.com/watch?v=GHxcQgDM1nY23 Jan 2014 - 59 min - Uploaded by Steve Silva
Israel : The Real History of Israel's Origins (Full Documentary) . 2013 2014 This documentary ...

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