CANADA’S ELECTION – WHAT THE ISSUES OF DEAR LEADERS ARE not TALKING ABOUT
VOTER’S CORNER: Ballot
‘boxing’ and ducking the real issues
ANNE BISHOP-Last Updated
October 14, 2015 - 5:52pm
For years, I have stood on doorsteps trying to
convince people that their vote counts and party platforms make a difference.
At this point, however, I find I cannot convince even myself.
A vote is a precious thing.
Hundreds of thousands of brave people have fought and died over the centuries
for the right to vote.
In my own lifetime, long
lines of black South Africans stood all day in the hot sun waiting their turn
to cast a ballot for the first time. Zimbabweans, Afghans, Guatemalans and so
many others braved threats of violence to go to the polls.
I have a vote that I need
only drive down the road to cast, but something has happened to it over the
past couple of decades. It has been quietly devalued until, frankly, I wonder
if it is worth casting.
Canadian elections,
particularly this one, have become, as Justin Trudeau suggested soon after the
writ was dropped, a boxing match. It’s all about scoring points, getting power
at all costs, saying what people want to hear, making promises that everyone
knows can’t be kept, while distracting us with sideshows like the Duffy trial
and the niqab.
When do we have a national
conversation about real issues? When do we sit down and seriously wrestle with
the colonial relationship between aboriginal and settler Canadians, and heal
the terrible scars of the residential schools?
When do we truly debate how
to have a thriving economy in a healthy natural world? We know how to abolish
poverty; when do we talk about that?
We say we want women and
racialized people, people with disabilities, elderly people and everyone else
on the margins to have the same opportunities as everyone else. When do we talk
about how to do it?
When do we talk about giving
all our children a great start in life, and all the education and training
required for whatever they are called to do in life? When do we talk about
restoring a healthy dialogue between the federal and provincial governments?
When do we talk about updating a health-care system created when Canadians’
average age was 27?
When do we talk about the
survival of Canadian culture and stories, and the publishers, theatres,
filmmakers, artists and public broadcaster who keep it vigorous? When do we
talk about the role of statistics and science in public policy?
I am tired of spin, “talking
points,” even lies, repeated endlessly as a wall against real questions. I
can’t imagine how the politicians who do this live with themselves.
I find it disgraceful that a
party can come up the middle of a multi-party system and form a government with
a mandate from only a third of its citizens. I am tired of parties campaigning
from the left and governing from the right, going for power and position,
leaving real issues crumpled in their wake. I am tired of parties, period: I
don’t want a “Liberal” government or a “Harper” government; I want a Canadian
government.
Changing an electoral system
is difficult and there is no avenue for protest in the voting booth, which
leaves me with my question: How did my vote become so meaningless, and what can
I do with it on Oct. 19 that might begin to bring its meaning back?
Anne Bishop, Falmouth
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TWITTER:
O Canada- and there's the crux - Poverty: Not present this election campaign | rabble.ca http://rabble.ca/blogs/bloggers/policyfix/2015/10/poverty-not-present-this-election-campaign?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+rabble-news+%28rabble.ca+-+News+for+the+rest+of+us%29#.Vh6uynjyjO0.twitter …
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THE REALITY OF LIFE AS A SINGLE MOM
The Reality of Life as a Single Mom.
Via Jennifer Williams-Fields on May
12, 2015
Yes, being a single mom is exhausting. We all know this. It’s a daily financial struggle and one that many of us didn’t choose.
But the financial concerns, the lack of sleep and the constant worry aren’t what really gets to me. That’s actually the easy stuff, the stuff that you just put on your big girl panties and do what you got to do to get through the day.Then there are the single mom struggles no one really talks about. These are the ones that cause me to cry myself to sleep some nights:
Holding back tears of sadness as I stand in the doorway and find my son watching a YouTube video to learn how to tie his tie as he gets ready for prom that night.
The struggle to teach my daughters to love a good man when the first man they are supposed to love walked away from them.
The pride of watching my teen boys find their own path to becoming responsible men as they work part-time jobs and offer me their paycheck to help pay some of their own expenses. Wishing I didn’t actually need to accept their money. But knowing I do.
Relief as each of the boys steps up and offers to take their sisters to the Daddy Daughter dance at school.
The regret of having to teach my daughters how a man is supposed to treat a woman, when too often they saw their own mother belittled and mistreated by the man they were supposed to trust.
Feeling humbled when I find out my then 7-year-old introduced my best friend’s husband to her teacher as “my dad too”.
Grateful for the moms who still get go on the field trips and send me pictures of my kids having fun and smiling. And more than a little jealous of those moms too.
Knowing I am risking my family’s financial future as I tell my boss “Yes, I am leaving work early again” as I walk out the door so I don’t miss yet another school event.
Being the only one to sit up at night when it’s past curfew waiting on the offending child to make it home safely. Or being the only one to make the drive to the Emergency Room with a crying and hurt child.
Having to make major decisions by myself with no one who cares enough to have any input.
The really real reality of being a single mom is having the hard-fought and well-earned knowledge that nothing, and no one, is stronger than a single mom protecting her family.
But sometimes that’s a heavy load to carry.
BEST COMMENT:
I just want to say . . . I was a single father. The challenges of
raising two boys, young men, through their teen and young adult years were, at
times, crushing. They have grown into fine young men, and I am going through
years of therapy to recover from a spouse with multiple affairs, and one who
abandoned her sons.
REPLY FM CISSY: Bill –
Whether single mother or single father we all share similar struggles. I'm happy to hear your boys have grown into healthy young men. That is our reward isn't it?
COMMENT: Jennifer, I love this! I
don't relate to the experience precisely as my daughter's father is very
present in her life and with co-parenting. But as a daughter with a father that
left and never returned – I felt this. From the mother's point of view. Thank
you for that. I love the honesty of your experience and the voicing of so many
others. Whether single mother or single father we all share similar struggles. I'm happy to hear your boys have grown into healthy young men. That is our reward isn't it?
REPLY FM CISSY: Cissy –
Thank you. Although I'm sorry you were one of those daughters without a father, I'm glad to hear I was able to write from a place you could relate to. It is a part of single mothering we don't often talk about. It's easier to discuss financial struggles than crying to sleep at night because you are scared your daughters will have unhealthy relationships with future men because their father left them at a young age. Kudos to you and your ex for being able to successfully coparent.
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Governments must help communities with our loved children and their two family lifestyle integration- We must make transitions better so stability and progress and excitement about moving on- conquers disillusionment, fear and hopelessness -MENTAL HEALTH MATTERS CANADA
Canada's Horrific Secret- A GLOBAL SECRET is the HARDSHIP OF Single Moms and Single Dads and unnecessary poverty caused by breakups with no interventions $$$ and sources of help. We are letting them and their children down
-BECAUSE FAMILY VIOLENCE COMES 2 VIST 2 OFTEN...
it's always the children who suffer the most /MENTAL HEALTH AND SUICIDE-
we must do better Canada for our families to heal and look 4ward to tomorrow /we must do better -breaking up is hard on everyone, but finding genuine happiness from heartache and moving on- is the best gift u can give/receive -imho /MOVIN ON- RASCAL FLATTS(Fathers4LifeCanada is an awesome site- global stats- suicides of parents and children - 2 many)/
MENTAL WELLNESS MATTERS CANADA
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Pay Equity
Women earn 72 cents on the
dollar that men earn? How can that be, given that we have laws that make
such a practice a criminal offence? Full Story
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More
Canadian single dads head rise in lone-parent families
More Canadians than ever — many
of them fathers — are confronting the plight of the single parent in an age of
economic uncertainty and growing disparity between rich and poor, new census
numbers released Wednesday suggest.The number of single parents jumped eight per cent between 2006 and 2011, including a 16 per cent spike in the number of single fathers, Statistics Canada reported. Single mothers, who still comprise about 80 per cent of all single-parent families in Canada, increased by six per cent.
Regardless of gender, sociologists say there's a divide among their ranks: on one side are those for whom steady work lifts them narrowly past the poverty threshold, while on the other, parents are left behind to contend with everything from mouldy walls to mental illness.
At the First Steps Housing Project in Saint John, N.B., Amy Young cuddles her 15-month-old son Striker, weeping as she reflects on a troubled past of addictions and a broken relationship — and a future she's determined to ensure means a better life for her baby.
"It's not about you any more," Young said, Striker happily playing nearby. "It's all about your child and the good decisions you have to make for them."
Converted
convent a haven for single moms
First Steps, a centre for
homeless, single mothers, is a safe haven, a daycare and and a provider of
in-house high school education to the dozen women currently living there.For Young, the converted convent next to a city hospital seems like "a mansion" compared to the squalor of her old neighbourhood, where many of Saint John's lone-parent families continue to live.
"There were stabbings," she recalled. "You would find syringes in the street, crack pipes and stuff like that."
Lone-parent families represented 16.3 per cent of all census families in 2011, nearly twice the percentage of 1961, before the advent of 1968's Divorce Act and a steadily growing proportion of parents who never got married in the first place.
In 1961, roughly two-thirds of lone parents were widowed, and the rest were either divorced or separated, with a small percentage never having been married. Since then, the proportions have changed dramatically: half are either divorced or separated, while the ranks of those going it alone from the outset have grown tenfold.
In 2011, there are more single fathers in Canada than ever before. And they face many of the same issues as single mothers, including the need for more education and income, said Edward Monzerolle, 39, a roofer who's father to two boys aged five and 14.
"I don't think there's much difference between males and females raising their kids," Monzerolle said. "My time is very tight — very tight. I go to work, I go home, I cook supper and it's time for bed."
That makes completing his high school education all but impossible, he added.
Photo:
Lidia Sok, who became a single
mom a year ago at 19, said First Steps has inspired her to get a high school
diploma, much like the 40 other graduates whose photos are proudly displayed on
the centre's main floor."This program saved me from being homeless when I was pregnant," said Sok. "They helped me with schooling and they helped me get into an apartment."
In Saint John, single parenthood and poverty seem to go hand in hand in some neighbourhoods, said Sharon Amirault, who's been running the First Steps centre for the last 10 years.
"Poverty can be caused by addiction and mental health, the pregnancy can be the result of mental health issues and poverty," Amirault said. "We have created more issues for families, and as more issues have arisen, unfortunately, the public services going along with them haven't grown."
Single
parents improve standard of living
Still, there's also a wider
national trend of some parents making their way to better lives, as single
mothers gain education and enter the workforce.A 2008 University of Toronto study of Statistics Canada data found poverty levels among single mothers following a downward trend between 1980 and 2000, with average earnings rising by 39 per cent and their low-income rate declining by 11 percentage points.
A Statistics Canada study done last year showed that trend continuing through to 2009, even as broader poverty rates climbed during the recession.
But single mothers and fathers with jobs still lead difficult lives, cautioned sociologist Sylvia Fuller, an associate professor at the University of British Columbia.
"Women have definitely improved their material standard of living for themselves and their children through employment, but the employment is often stressful," Fuller said.
http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/more-canadian-single-dads-head-rise-in-lone-parent-families-1.1290201
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Children
Come First: A Report to Parliament Reviewing the Provisions and Operation of
the Federal Child Support Guidelines - Volume 2
Children Come First: A Report to Parliament Reviewing the Provisions and Operation of the Federal Child Support Guidelines - Volume 2
4. SECTION-BY-SECTION REVIEW OF THE FEDERAL CHILD SUPPORT GUIDELINES AND THE DIVORCE ACT (cont'd)
SECTION 10: UNDUE HARDSHIP
- On either spouse's application, a court may award an amount of child support that is different from the amount determined under any of sections 3 to 5, 8 or 9 if the court finds that the spouse making the request, or a child in respect of whom the request is made, would otherwise suffer undue hardship.
- Circumstances that may cause a spouse or child to suffer undue hardship include the following:
- the spouse has the responsibility for an unusually high level of debts reasonably incurred to support the spouses and their children prior to the separation or to earn a living;
- the spouse has unusually high expenses in relation to exercising access to a child;
- the spouse has a legal duty under a judgment, order or written separation agreement to support any person;
- the spouse has a legal duty to support a child, other than a child of the marriage, who is:
- under the age of majority, or
- the age of majority or over but is unable, by reason of illness, disability or other cause, to obtain the necessaries of life; and
- the spouse has a legal duty to support any person who is unable to obtain the necessaries of life due to an illness or disability.
- Despite a determination of undue hardship under subsection (1), an application under that subsection must be denied by the court if it is of the opinion that the household of the spouse who claims undue hardship would, after determining the amount of child support under any of the sections 3 to 5, 8 or 9, have a higher standard of living than the household of the other spouse.
- In comparing standards of living for the purpose of subsection (3), the court may use the comparison of household standards of living test set out in Schedule II.
- Where the court awards a different amount of child support under subsection (1), it may specify, in the child support order, a reasonable time for the satisfaction of any obligation arising from circumstances that cause undue hardship and the amount payable at the end of that time.
- Where the court makes a child support order in a different amount under this section, it must record its reasons for doing so.
BACKGROUND
The undue hardship provision recognizes that, sometimes, a parent or child can suffer undue hardship if the parent pays the table amount, or the table amount plus special expenses. This section permits courts to set a different amount.There are three distinct steps to determining the amount of child support when a parent claims undue hardship.
- The parent making the claim must show that paying the table amount would cause undue hardship for the parent or child.
- The parent claiming undue hardship has to show that his or her household standard of living is lower than that of the other parent.
- If the first two steps are cleared, the court decides on a new support amount. Courts may (but do not have to) change the table amount of support.
STEP 1: DEMONSTRATION OF UNDUE HARDSHIP
To help courts and parents decide whether undue hardship would result if the table values were ordered, subsection 10(2) lists five circumstances that may cause a parent or a child to suffer undue hardship. They are:- unusually high debts from supporting the family before the parents separated or resulting from earning a living;
- unusually high expenses associated with access to a child;
- a legal duty under a judgment or order to support another individual;
- a legal duty to support a child, other than the child of the marriage, who is under the age of majority or who, owing to illness, disability, or other cause (including education), cannot support himself or herself; or
- a legal duty to support a person who cannot get the necessaries of life due to illness or disability.
PARAGRAPH 10(2)(A): DEBTS
In some circumstances, the debt load of a parent may lead to a finding of undue hardship. If this leads to a changed support amount, the court may decide that, when the debt is paid, the amount payable will change again. This allows courts to grant temporary relief so the parent can pay the debts without requiring another court appearance after the debt is paid.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(B): ACCESS EXPENSES
Access expenses may be unusually high because of the extensive time a parent spends with the children or because the parent otherwise has large expenses related to access, such as airfare. On the other hand, if the paying parent spends little or no time with the children, the receiving parent may be the one with extra costs, such as babysitting fees.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(C): JUDGMENT OR AGREEMENT TO SUPPORT ANOTHER INDIVIDUAL
A person may already have to support a spouse or children from prior relationships. Although the table amounts are presumed to apply in these circumstances, this section of the Guidelines recognizes that a pre-existing requirement to pay support to others may cause a parent or a child to suffer undue hardship, particularly those in lower income families.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(D): LEGAL DUTY TO SUPPORT ANOTHER CHILD
The legal duty to support other children (in a second family, for example) can cause undue hardship if the parent also has to pay the table amount. These other children may be the parent's biological children, adoptive children, or stepchildren.[226] These commitments may reduce the financial resources available for the children involved. This provision provides financial relief and promotes equitable treatment of all children whether they are natural children, adoptive children, or stepchildren.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(E): LEGAL DUTY TO SUPPORT AN ILL OR DISABLED PERSON
A parent may face undue hardship because he or she must support somebody, such as a previous spouse, who is ill or disabled.STEP 2: COMPARISON OF THE HOUSEHOLD STANDARDS OF LIVING—SUBSECTION 10(3)
For a parent who would suffer undue hardship if the table amount were ordered, the next step is to show that his or her household does not enjoy a higher standard of living than does the other parent's. This ensures that the child support amount is not reduced when the child lives with a parent whose standard of living is lower still. Under subsection 10(4) of the Federal Child Support Guidelines, one way to compare standards of living is to use the Comparison of Household Standards of Living Test, found in Schedule II.STEP 3: DETERMINATION OF THE AMOUNT OF SUPPORT
Once the first two steps have been cleared, the courts have broad discretion to determine the appropriate amount of support. If a court uses this discretion to order a different amount, it must record its reasons for doing so, per subsection 10(6).INTENT
The undue hardship provision is not meant to be used often. There is a strong presumption that paying parents are able to afford the table amounts because the tables represent reasonable amounts in average family circumstances. In addition, the Guidelines specifically permit a departure from the table amounts in special circumstances, such as when parents share custody, or when the paying parent earns over $150,000 annually.Section 10 balances the Guidelines objective of consistency with the need for a fair standard of support in exceptional cases.
APPLICATION
Courts have narrowly interpreted each element of the undue hardship test. Case law overwhelmingly confirms that the requesting parent must establish undue hardship and must demonstrate that the other parent is not even worse off.[227] Even when a parent meets the requirements of the first two steps, courts may exercise their discretion by refusing to order a different amount of support.[228]STEP 1: DEMONSTRATION OF UNDUE HARDSHIP
A parent will not necessarily clear the first step simply by showing the existence of one or more of the enumerated circumstances that may give rise to undue hardship.[229] The claiming parent must also show that the circumstances personally affect him or her and that they do in fact cause undue hardship.[230] Separation generally causes both parties to suffer financial hardship, thus hardship alone will not give rise to a change in the support order.In Van Gool,[231] the British Columbia Court of Appeal confirmed the high threshold required by this section. Madam Justice Prowse, for the court, said in paragraph 51:
Since the basic tables were designed to be a "floor" for the amount of maintenance payable, rather than a ceiling, it is not surprising that the authorities have held that the threshold for a finding of undue hardship is high. Hardship is not sufficient; the hardship must be undue, that is, exceptional, excessive, or disproportionate in all of the circumstances.Other courts have interpreted the word undue to mean excessive, extreme, unreasonable, unjustified, and improper.[232]
PARAGRAPH 10(2)(A): DEBTS
Each element of this provision has been interpreted very restrictively. Judges have only reduced child support because of debt in exceptional circumstances, an approach that is consistent with cases considered before the introduction of the Federal Child Support Guidelines.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(B): ACCESS EXPENSES
The courts have very narrowly construed each element of the phrase unusually high expenses in relation to access, which appears in paragraph 10(2)(b). For example, in the case of Williams v. Williams,[233] the paying parent's costs to travel between Nova Scotia and the Northwest Territories to exercise access were not held to be unusually high. In a limited number of cases, courts have concluded that access expenses are unusually high in light of the extensive access that a paying parent exercises, not necessarily because of any single large payment such as airfare.[234] Few courts have accepted a lack of access as a circumstance that may cause undue hardship for the receiving parent.The courts are more likely to lower the amount if it was the custodial parent who decided to move.[235] The comments of the court in the case of Marlow v. Berger[236] illustrate this judicial point of view:
In this case, the father chose to move to Toronto for employment purposes. That is not to be held against him but he cannot use it as a sword to obtain relief as he has asked. In this court's view, the phrase unusually high access costs relates to, among other things, circumstances beyond the control of the payor or a consensual decision made for the benefit of the child.
PARAGRAPH 10(2)(C): JUDGMENT OR AGREEMENT TO SUPPORT ANOTHER INDIVIDUAL
Few parents have sought a finding of undue hardship on this basis and, as such, this provision has had very limited application.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(D): LEGAL DUTY TO SUPPORT ANOTHER CHILD
Under the Guidelines, the majority of undue hardship claims have been based on this section and most applications have been unsuccessful. Courts have very strictly construed each element of this provision.A parent's legal duty to support a second family does not in itself create undue hardship.[237] The parent seeking relief must establish not just the existence of an obligation to another child, but also indicators of unusual financial pressure.[238] One has to show that supporting other children significantly contributes to one's financial difficulties.[239] There must also be a legal duty to support the children, not only a moral duty.[240] Many judges have refused to grant relief in part because the paying parent's second spouse has decided not to work, thereby lowering the paying parent's family income.[241] As a result, many claims have been dismissed because the applicant couldn't show undue hardship.[242] In addition, the mere fact that the applicant's standard of living is lower than that of the other spouse does not automatically result in undue hardship, even if this lower standard is due in part to the applicant's legal duty to support another child.
In Van Gool,[243] the court confirmed this, deciding that the parent seeking relief must show that the obligation makes paying the table amount an undue hardship. The person claiming undue hardship must provide cogent evidence that the costs incurred for the other child are beyond those associated with most children.
PARAGRAPH 10(2)(E): LEGAL DUTY TO SUPPORT AN ILL OR DISABLED PERSON
Very few cases have been determined on the basis of this provision and, as such, it has had very limited application.OTHER CIRCUMSTANCES
Case law establishes that the subsection 10(2) list of circumstances is not exhaustive and that other factors may be considered.[244] However, courts are reluctant to expand the scope of undue hardship beyond the circumstances listed in subsection 10(2).[245] Courts are especially cautious if the receiving parent wants to increase the table amount because other circumstances have caused undue hardship; very few such cases have been successful.[246]STEP 2: COMPARISON OF THE HOUSEHOLD STANDARDS OF LIVING—SUBSECTION 10(3)
The parent asking for the change may have a lower household standard of living than that of the other parent. But this does not in itself lead to a finding of undue hardship.[247] Case law overwhelmingly confirms that courts must compare the parents' household standards of living only after finding undue hardship.[248] Thus, this provision limits the number of successful claims for undue hardship.Some courts rely on the optional Comparison of Household Standards of Living Test, found in Schedule II.[249] When courts did not use this test, they instead considered a wide variety of factors, including the parents' relative capital positions, debt, child care, and the financial contribution of the parent's spouse, if any.[250]
STEP 3: DETERMINATION OF THE AMOUNT OF SUPPORT
Courts have exercised broad discretion to determine the appropriate amount of support in undue hardship cases.[251] There is no one way to do this.[252] In some cases, even when both steps one and two were cleared, courts exercised their discretion not to change the table amount.In some cases, particularly when the circumstance that causes undue hardship is a legal duty to support another child, per paragraph 10(2)(d), courts have refused to reduce the table amount. Instead, they have somewhat reduced the payments to the receiving spouse because of special or extraordinary expenses, per section 7.[253] Courts are clearly reluctant to order less than the table amount because they view the table values as a minimum base or a floor for support.
In many cases where distance produces extensive access expenses, parents and judges instead agree to apportion the cost of those visits between the parents. Sometimes referred to as a separate civil order, this option is used in place of the undue hardship provision.
ISSUES
STEP 1: DEMONSTRATION OF UNDUE HARDSHIP
The undue hardship provision balances the Guidelines objectives of consistency and of a fair standard of support. However, many people feel that the very strict interpretation of this section has been unfair to children and paying parents who live far from each other. These parents may only be able to pay the table amounts by reducing their access, contrary to the children's interests.PARAGRAPH 10(2)(B): ACCESS EXPENSES
The table values attempt to balance paying parents' average access costs and hidden costs incurred by receiving parents. Hidden costs include loss of career advancement opportunities and lost overtime. Thus, usual costs of access, such as meals, transportation, and entertainment, are borne by the paying parent as a normal pattern of spending and are contemplated by the guidelines amounts.[254]By including unusually high access expenses as a possible cause of undue hardship, the Guidelines implicitly recognize that children may benefit from meaningful contact with both parents. This provision therefore promotes the principle that children should have as much contact with each parent as is consistent with their best interests.[255]
EXTENSIVE ACCESS
In a small number of cases, the extent and quality of access, or the lack of it, may cause undue hardship.Applications to reduce support because of extensive access have generally succeeded only when the paying parent proves that paying the table amount would interfere with the quality of time that the children spend with the paying parent or would threaten the children's relationship with him or her. For example, in Petrocco,[256] the paying parent's annual income was $40,000, whereas the custodial parent's annual household income was nearly $300,000. In granting the application for undue hardship, Justice Métivier notes at paragraph 20:
In this case, the access parent's role and importance may be detrimentally affected by an inability to offer the children a reasonable level of activity and comforts relative to that enjoyed in their primary residence. The payment of support at the Guideline level will interfere with the ability of the mother to provide such activities and comforts.In Baranyi v. Longe,[257] Justice Wright reduced the support amount from $236 to $50 per month for two children so that the father could continue to have extensive access and to maintain a second bedroom for the children.
LACK OF ACCESS
The undue hardship provision was intended to be available to either the paying or the recipient parent. However, there have been very few cases where the recipient parent has successfully sought an increase from the table amount on the basis of undue hardship. This may be so because the listed circumstances in subsection 10(2) appear to be available only to paying parents to reduce the support order. In addition, some courts are reluctant to increase support under this section out of concern that the undue hardship provision may become an indirect way of getting spousal support.[258]But the support recipient can claim undue hardship in some circumstances. For example, the paying parent may exercise little or no access, thereby increasing not only the receiving parent's regular costs, but also his or her hidden costs.[259] While this approach has not usually worked,[260] Scotcher v. Hampson[261] suggests that a failure to exercise access could give rise to a claim for undue hardship, if this increases the receiving parent's costs. In Scharf,[262] lack of access visits led to an increase in child support. There, the parents each had custody of one of the two children. Justice Métivier found that the mother suffered undue hardship and reduced the amount she was required to pay in part because the other parent had irregular access.
PARAGRAPH 10(2)(D): LEGAL DUTY TO SUPPORT ANOTHER CHILD
For many years, courts and parents have struggled to determine the appropriate approach for determining child support when a parent has to support other children. The issue is complicated because the court must often decide between the competing interests of two (or more) sets of children. Courts are often faced with the difficult task of distributing limited resources between two or more households.Many people think that financial hardship caused by subsequent family obligations should rarely reduce the child support amount. Paying parents, it is said, should fulfill child support obligations ahead of other, subsequent obligations, even if those obligations are to other children. That is to say that a parent should not be excused from a child support obligation because he or she chooses to have further children. This first families first approach has been adopted in many cases and is illustrated in the following comments from the case of Jackson v. Holloway:[263]
A separated spouse with a child support obligation enters into a new family unit knowing he or she has an obligation and is expected to organize his or her affairs with due regard to that obligation. A general or generic reference to the overall expenses of a new household will not give rise to a claim of undue hardship.Other courts suggest that while every child has the right to support, the parent's subsequent family should be given a chance to succeed financially and shouldn't suffer because of the prior child support obligation.
As a result of these two judicial approaches to the difficult issue of second families, the outcome of any given case is difficult to predict, thereby undermining the Guidelines objective of consistent treatment of parents.
STEP 2: COMPARISON OF THE HOUSEHOLD STANDARDS OF LIVING—SUBSECTION 10(3)
Although courts have applied this second step as intended, research suggests that courts and parents have not been using the optional Comparison of the Household Standards of Living Test in Schedule II. Many legal observers, parents, and judges have criticized the test as being too complicated, too long, and too difficult to apply. For a detailed discussion of the Comparison of Household Standards of Living Test, please see the review of Schedule II.STEP 3: DETERMINATION OF AMOUNT
Because families may live in so many different circumstances after separation, judges have broad discretion to determine the amount of support when they find undue hardship. As such, results are difficult to predict.RECOMMENDATION
The federal Department of Justice does not recommend any changes to section 10.
Regarding unusually high access expenses due to distance, education and training should be used to promote the use of a separate civil order. Many court orders have already used separate provisions for access and the costs of access, particularly in mobility cases, so this is not entirely new. This approach maintains the important premise that the table values are a floor for support; in mobility cases, it also removes the rigid requirements of section 10. It is also consistent with subsection 16(6) of the Divorce Act, which allows the court making a custody or access order to
Regarding unusually high access expenses due to distance, education and training should be used to promote the use of a separate civil order. Many court orders have already used separate provisions for access and the costs of access, particularly in mobility cases, so this is not entirely new. This approach maintains the important premise that the table values are a floor for support; in mobility cases, it also removes the rigid requirements of section 10. It is also consistent with subsection 16(6) of the Divorce Act, which allows the court making a custody or access order to
"impose such other terms, conditions, or restrictions in connection therewith as it thinks fit and just."The approach permits parents to agree to an individual clause that may be tailored to suit the family's circumstances.
SECTION 11: FORM OF PAYMENTS
BACKGROUND
Even before the Federal Child Support Guidelines, the Divorce Act gave courts the power to order periodic or lump sum support, or both. This section was intended to establish the court's jurisdiction under the Guidelines to order periodic or lump sum support if necessary.Form of Payments
11. The court may require in a child support order that the amount payable under the order be paid in periodic payments, in a lump sum or in a lump sum and periodic payments.PAYMENT OF ORDERS
The courts have wide discretion: an order may be for a lump sum, for a definite or indefinite period, or for a period lasting until a specific event occurs. The court can also"impose such other terms, conditions or restrictions in connection therewith as it thinks fit and just."
Although the child support Guidelines propose monthly orders, there may be rare instances where it is in the best interests of children for the courts to make lump sum orders. Although the Guidelines will help the courts determine the levels, the courts should continue to have wide powers to determine how orders should be paid.
APPLICATION
ISSUE
Courts have traditionally been reluctant to order lump sum child support.CASE LAW
In McLaughlin v. McLaughlin,[264] the court held that support ordered under the Guidelines could be paid in periodic installments other than monthly. In Lobo v. Lobo,[265] Gibney v. Gibney,[266] and M.R. v. S.R.R.,[267] the court ordered lump sum child support.In Lobo,[268] the court found that, in light of the paying parent's record of poor money management, his refusal to seek alternative employment, his demonstrated willingness to risk his family's security for remote possibility of gain, and his unwillingness to sell real estate investments in the face of foreclosure action against the matrimonial home, it was proper to order lump sum child support.
In Gibney,[269] as the father had substantial assets, the court found it appropriate to order a lump sum payment to pay for the children's extraordinary expenses.
In M.R.,[270] the paying parent had a recent history of unemployment and illness and a long history of borrowing money from his mother to defray ordinary household expenses. The court found that those were ample reasons for ordering lump sum support from his only cash asset: proceeds from the sale of the matrimonial home. The court ordered lump sum child support based on the appropriate monthly child support table amount for approximately 30 months.
In Koyama v. Leigh,[271] the court, after reviewing the various "needless difficulties" created by the paying parent during litigation, ordered lump sum child support using the money being held in a maintenance security fund.
From a review of the case law, it appears that the practice of ordering lump sum payments is more common in cases where there are special expenses.[272]
AMENDMENT
This section has not been amended.RECOMMENDATION
No amendments to this section are recommended.SECTION 12: SECURITY
BACKGROUND
This section lets the court order that the amount payable be secured or paid in a way specified by the court. This power existed in the Divorce Act before the Federal Child Support Guidelines were introduced.Security
12. The court may require in the child support order that the amount payable under the order be paid or secured, or paid and secured, in the manner specified in the order.APPLICATION
ISSUE
This section has generally been applied as intended.CASE LAW
In Davids,[273] Assinck v. Assinck,[274] and Lonergan v. Lonergan,[275] the court ordered that child support be secured against various assets, including the matrimonial home, in case the paying parent defaulted.AMENDMENT
This section has not been amended.RECOMMENDATION
No amendments to this section are recommended.SECTION 13: INFORMATION TO BE SPECIFIED IN AN ORDER
BACKGROUND
This section specifically sets out what elements are to be included in a child support order. It ensures that the basic information used to determine the child support amount is included in the order. This information helps parties vary child support orders, as spouses know the various components that make up the child support amount.Information to be specified in an order
13. A child support order must include the following information:- the name and birth date of each child to whom the order relates;
- the income of any spouse whose income is used to determine the amount of the child support order;
- the amount determined under paragraph 3(1)(a) for the number of children to whom the order relates;
- the amount determined under paragraph 3(2)(b) for a child the age of majority or over;
- the particulars of any expense described in subsection 7(1), the child to whom the expense relates, and the amount of the expense or, where that amount cannot be determined, the proportion to be paid in relation to the expense; and
- the date on which the lump sum or first payment is payable and the day of the month or other time period on which all subsequent payments are to be made.
APPLICATION
ISSUE
Section 13 of the Guidelines is not always respected by those preparing child support orders. According to the Survey of Child Support Awards,[276] only 32 percent of cases contain all five items (see box below).Section 13 Compliance
Source: Survey of Child Support Awards database, February 2001.CASE LAW
In Lee v. Lee,[277] the court stated that an order would not be void if it did not comply with section 13 of the Guidelines, if the required information was identified and available from materials in the court file.In several cases, the courts have ordered a percentage of a special expense to be paid by the paying parent instead of specifying the exact amount.[278]
AMENDMENT
This section has not been amended.RECOMMENDATION
No amendments to this section are recommended. Since 1997, compliance with section 13 has improved. As the legal profession begins varying orders determined under child support guidelines, the importance of respecting section 13 becomes all the more evident. As such, compliance continues to improve.
To help enforce the orders, parents and the court should continue to set out the amount of the special expense, and not just the proportion to be paid. To this end, a November 2000 amendment to section 7 allows parents and the court to estimate the amount of the special or extraordinary expense.
To help enforce the orders, parents and the court should continue to set out the amount of the special expense, and not just the proportion to be paid. To this end, a November 2000 amendment to section 7 allows parents and the court to estimate the amount of the special or extraordinary expense.
SECTION 14: CIRCUMSTANCES FOR VARIATION
BACKGROUND
Paragraph 17(1)(a) of the Divorce Act empowers the court to vary a child support order. Subsection 17(4) of the Divorce Act says that the court must first be satisfied that there has been"a change of circumstances, as provided for in the applicable guidelines."Section 14 of the Guidelines sets out what constitutes a change of circumstances.
Defining "a change of circumstances" helps parents and the courts decide whether an order should be varied. In particular, paragraph (c) helps parents who have a pre-Guidelines order to get a new child support amount under the Guidelines.
Circumstances for variation
14. For the purposes of subsection 17(4) of the Act, any one of the following constitutes a change of circumstances that gives rise to the making of a variation order in respect of a child support order:- in the case where the amount of child support includes a determination made in accordance with the applicable table, any change in circumstances that would result in a different child support order or any provision thereof;
- in the case where the amount of child support does not include a determination made in accordance with a table, any change in the condition, means, needs or other circumstances of either spouse or of any child who is entitled to support; and
- in the case of an order made before May 1, 1997, the coming into force of section 15.1 of the Act, enacted by section 2 of chapter 1 of the Statutes of Canada (1997).
SOR/2000-337, s. 2
APPLICATION
ISSUE
Courts have focused on paragraph 14(c) of the Guidelines and on interpreting the word may in subsection 17(1) of the Divorce Act.CASE LAW
In one set of appellate decisions, the word may has been interpreted as giving the court discretion to make a variation order. Paragraph 14(c) has been treated solely as a "triggering mechanism." This allows a court to review the circumstances to see whether there is a sufficient change warranting a variation in child support payments and to review the reasonableness of the original order or settlement in light of the Guidelines.[279]Another set of appellate decisions interprets the word may as empowering, giving the court the power to make a variation order. These decisions have seen paragraph 14(c) as a sufficient change in circumstances to require that all pre-guidelines orders be varied according to the Guidelines.[280] As a result, courts across the country apply paragraph 14(c) inconsistently.[281]
In Montalbetti v. Montalbetti,[282] a British Columbia Court of Appeal case decided after Wang, the court stated the following:
In my opinion, the chambers judge was correct in concluding that there was a sufficient change in circumstances to warrant a variation. I say that quite apart from the provision in s. 14(c) of the Guidelines, which in itself may also have provided a foundation for the variation.[283]Section 14 was amended twice (see explanation below) to address this. Since the last amendment in November 2000, court decisions have tended to view paragraph 14(c) as mandating a change to child support orders to ensure their compliance with the Guidelines.
In O'Donnell v. Morgan,[284] a New Brunswick case, the court recited the amended section 14. It concluded that the paying parent met the test in paragraph (c) and varied the order according to the Guidelines. In Cholodniuk v. Sears,[285] the paying parent sought to vary his child support obligation, determined before May 1, 1997, so that it complied with the Guidelines. The court stated the following:
A previous application to vary this judgment was dismissed on February 11, 1999. Since that time however, s. 14 of the Guidelines has been amended to clarify that a child support order made prior to May 1, 1997, constitutes a change of circumstances that gives rise to the making of a variation order. As the order that Mr. Cholodniuk seeks to vary pre-dates May 1, 1997, he has met the threshold requirement for variation.[286]In Turner v. Turner,[287] the court reviewed all of the relevant jurisprudence, articles written by various legal professionals, child support communications materials from the federal Department of Justice, and the amendments to paragraph 14(c). The court concluded that the coming into force of the Guidelines was a change in circumstances entitling a spouse to vary a pre-Guidelines child support order.
AMENDMENT
Section 14 has been amended twice since the Guidelines were implemented. In December 1997, section 14 was amended to clarify that only one of the listed circumstances in section 14 needs to be met in variation cases.[288]In November 2000, section 14 was amended again.[289] In light of the conflicting appellate decisions from across the country, the section was amended to properly reflect its intent. All of the circumstances for variation listed in section 14, including paragraph (c), are changes in circumstances that a court can rely on to vary an order.
Where there is such a change, for example as listed in paragraph (c), which refers to a situation in which an order was made before May 1, 1997, the intent is that the court vary the order and apply the Federal Child Support Guidelines. The Guidelines were designed to provide a fair standard of support for children in light of the parents' ability to contribute.
The court can decide not to apply the Federal Child Support Guidelines when parents have an agreement or order made before or after May 1, 1997 that includes a special provision that benefits the child. In this case, the court can take the agreement into account under subsection 17(6.2) of the Divorce Act and decline to vary the order, since the Guidelines amount might not be appropriate in that situation.
RECOMMENDATION
No amendments to this section are recommended. As time passes, child support orders made before May 1, 1997 will become virtually non-existent and, eventually, paragraph 14(c) will be repealed. Also, since the November 2000 amendment, the lower courts in at least two provinces (Alberta and New Brunswick) are now ruling that the coming into force of the Guidelines is sufficient grounds to warrant a variation, despite earlier rulings to the contrary.
In addition, some legal observers agree that the amendments have clarified that the coming into force of the Guidelines is sufficient on its own to warrant a variation. As one such observer put it:
In addition, some legal observers agree that the amendments have clarified that the coming into force of the Guidelines is sufficient on its own to warrant a variation. As one such observer put it:
For the first three years in which the Guidelines were in force, there was disagreement at the appeal court level on whether s. 14(c) of the Guidelines mandated that all pre-Guidelines orders be converted into Guidelines-based orders. The amendments to s. 14 make it clear that the coming into force of the Guidelines is, standing alone, a change of circumstances [that] entitles the courts to vary pre-Guidelines orders[290].
SECTION 15: DETERMINATION OF ANNUAL INCOME
BACKGROUND
Section 15 of the Guidelines not only provides the starting point for calculating income; it also gives spouses an opportunity to agree on the amount of their income. This reduces conflict and tension between spouses and encourages efficient settlements. However, the court must be satisfied that the amount agreed upon by the spouses is reasonable. The court's approval is required to ensure consistent treatment of spouses and children who are in similar circumstances and to establish a fair standard of support for the children.Determination of annual income
15.(1) Subject to subsection (2), a spouse's annual income is determined by the court in accordance with sections 16 to 20.Agreement
(2) Where both spouses agree in writing on the annual income of a spouse, the court may consider that amount to be the spouse's income for the purposes of these Guidelines if the court thinks that the amount is reasonable having regard to the income information provided under section 21.APPLICATION
ISSUE
No contentious issues have arisen as a result of this section.CASE LAW
In the case of Robillard-Cole v. Cole,[291] the court confirmed that subsection 15(2) of the Guidelines allows the spouses to agree in writing on the annual income of a spouse. The court is not bound by this agreement and may review the spouse's income in light of the income information provided under section 21 of the Guidelines. In the Ontario Court of Appeal case Wheeler v. Wheeler,[292] the court decided that if both parents agree on the income amount of the paying parent, that should be the income used to determine the child support amount.AMENDMENT
There have been no amendments to this section.RECOMMENDATION
No amendments to this section are recommended.SECTION 16: CALCULATION OF ANNUAL INCOME
BACKGROUND
Section 16 of the Guidelines says that a spouse's annual income is determined using the sources of income listed under"Total income"on the T1 General form issued by the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency (CCRA). This amount is then adjusted according to the rules set out in Schedule III of the Guidelines.
In practice, this means that the first step in calculating a spouse's annual income is to get his or her most recent federal income tax return. The
"Total income"figure on line 150 includes income from all sources, including employment income, pension income, interest and dividend income, business or professional income, and employment insurance and social assistance payments. For each of these identified sources, the amount of income must be determined using the most current information available as specified in subsection 2(3) of the Guidelines.
Calculation of annual income
16. Subject to sections 17 to 20, a spouse's annual income is determined using the sources of income set out under the heading"Total income"in the T1 General form issued by the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency and is adjusted in accordance with Schedule III.
SOR/2000-337, s. 3
The spouse's income from all sources may have to be adjusted according to Schedule III of the Guidelines to further determine the income actually available for calculating child support. So income under the Income Tax Act is not necessarily the same as income for child support purposes.
APPLICATION
ISSUES
PAST OR FUTURE INCOME?
At first, some people were confused about whether Guidelines income was based on past income, perhaps as found in an income tax return, or on projected income. As more case law interpreted the Guidelines, a clear direction emerged. For the most part, the courts are not determining current income on the basis of a preceding year's tax return, but rather by reference to the sources of income found in the T1 General form. This trend is reinforced by subsection 2(3), which directs the courts to use the most current income information, as well as by paragraph 21(1)(c), which requires a spouse to file his or her most recent statement of earnings.ANNUAL INCOME
A related issue is the definition of annual income. Does the word annual refer to the current calendar year or to the next 12 months?CASE LAW
PAST OR FUTURE INCOME?
The leading case is Lee v. Lee,[293] wherein the Newfoundland Court of Appeal made the following statements:Support must be paid out of the future income of the payor-spouse. The underlying rationale is still ability to pay. In that sense, the process of setting child support is a prospective one. In engaging in that predictive exercise, however, historical data is obviously important and usually provides the best forecast of current ability to pay.
Subsection 2(3) of the Guidelines supports the foregoing analysis inferentially since it requires the use of "the most current information" in the determination of any amounts for the purposes of the Guidelines.
Section 16 merely provides that the "sources" of income used for calculating income for the purposes of support shall be consistent with the sources used for calculating income subject to taxation. It is the categories of income, not their historical amounts, [that] must be determined by reference to income tax concepts.
ANNUAL INCOME
Case law is divided on the definition of annual. In several cases, the courts based a party's annual income on the most current information, saying that annual income is from the calendar year in which the application is heard.[294] Other cases say that annual income is income to be earned in the 12 months following the application.[295]AMENDMENT
Section 16 was amended on November 1, 2000, because Revenue Canada had changed its name to the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency.[296]RECOMMENDATION
No amendment to this section is recommended. With regard to what annual income means, the Guidelines have the built-in flexibility to allow a definition that is "time appropriate" to the situation. If child support is being determined for a period that precedes the hearing of the application, then annual income relates to the time for which the child support amount is being calculated and ordered. If the child support amount calculated and ordered is for a period after the hearing, then annual income reflects that time period.
SECTION 17: PATTERN OF INCOME
BACKGROUND
Under subsection 17(1), the court may select an amount of income that, in its view, would be a fairer amount than the most recent income information. The court reviews the paying parent's annual income over three years to identify trends, fluctuations, and non-recurring items, then adjusts the income amount. There is no formula for this; the court does what is appropriate.Pattern of income
17.(1) If the court is of the opinion that the determination of a spouse's annual income under section 16 would not be the fairest determination of that income, the court may have regard to the spouse's income over the last three years and determine an amount that is fair and reasonable in light of any pattern of income, fluctuation in income or receipt of a non recurring amount during those years.SOR/2000-337, s. 4
Non-recurring losses
(2) Where a spouse has incurred a non-recurring capital or business investment loss, the court may, if it is of the opinion that the determination of the spouse's annual income under section 16 would not provide the fairest determination of the annual income, choose not to apply sections 6 and 7 of Schedule III, and adjust the amount of the loss, including related expenses and carrying charges and interest expenses, to arrive at such amount as the court considers appropriate.Under the Income Tax Act there are limitations and restrictions affecting the deduction of capital and business investment losses. Sections 6 and 7 of Schedule III of the Guidelines[297] change the treatment of these losses so that the full net capital gain or the full business investment loss (not just the taxable portion permitted by the Income Tax Act) is included in determining annual income for Guidelines purposes.
In determining a spouse's annual income the court may adjust the amount of a capital or business investment loss without applying the amounts determined by sections 6 and 7 of Schedule III. The court may adjust the amount of these losses and therefore neutralize the effect of a one-time loss. This is consistent with the Guidelines objective of determining annual income as fairly as possible. The court may adjust the amount of the loss and any related expenses, including carrying charges and interest expenses, as it considers appropriate.
Section 17 gives the courts flexibility and discretion in determining income in cases where the strict rules would create an unfair result that does not truly reflect a person's income.
APPLICATION
ISSUE
Section 17 raises several issues not necessarily related to how the section is interpreted, but to how the section is applied in relation to the facts of any given case. Examples include whether overtime income should be included in Guidelines income, whether income that historically fluctuates (such as farming income, fishing income, and real estate income) should be averaged out over more than one year, and what amount from a non-recurring source of income should be included in Guidelines income. With so many variables, the Guidelines cannot address every possible income scenario. They can only provide general rules courts can use to decide on the fairest income amount, given the evidence and circumstances.CASE LAW
The Court of Appeal case of Lee[298] explained,"Neither does s. 17 of the Guidelines indicate ... that the court is required to base its income calculations on past income levels."The Court added,
"These are convenient shorthand methodological rules to enable a fair prediction of current income to be determined."
In Wilson v. Wilson,[299] a farming income case, the court decided not to rely too heavily on section 17 since the objective is to determine, based on the circumstances before the court, the fairest indicator of a person's income. The court went on to say that averaging the most recent three years of available information accounts somewhat for fluctuations that can occur from year to year.
In Pederson v. Walker,[300] the court held that a portion of the lump sum severance payment the paying parent received should be attributed to the income stream of all future years while the children were still dependent. In Holtby v. Holtby[301] and Hart v. Hart,[302] the court did not include a one-time RRSP withdrawal in income.
The courts have generally applied subsection 17(2) as intended. In the Saskatchewan case of Kuntz v. Kuntz,[303] the court found that, since the objective was to find the fairest indicator of current income, when somebody tries to use business losses to substantially reduce income, that person must completely explain the losses. The court went on to say that losses and expenses unrelated to earning income, as a general rule, should not be used to reduce income.
In Omah-Maharajh v. Howard,[304] the court did not allow a deduction from the father's income for his allowable business investment loss of $75,000. The court felt that if it permitted the deduction, it would be understating the father's ability to pay child support. However, the court allowed him to deduct the annual loan repayment on money he borrowed to make the investment, as this did reflect his income.
AMENDMENT
The initial wording of subsection 17(1) was long and cumbersome, sometimes requiring courts to go through unnecessary mental gymnastics. There was also some redundancy and excess wording. Although the courts were, for the most part, applying subsection 17(1) as intended, the subsection was amended to make it even easier to apply.[305]Subsection 17(1) was amended on November 1, 2000. It was reworded to clarify that the court should only consider past income when the income amount determined under section 16 would be unfair. The rewording also clarified that, when determining the income amount, the court should consider a parent's pattern of income, or fluctuations in income, or the receipt of a non-recurring amount.
The former paragraph (a) of subsection 17(1) was removed because it was redundant when read with section 16. Section 16 and subsection 2(3) set out the criteria for determining income when a parent's income is increasing or decreasing steadily. The annual income is determined using the most recent information.
The reference to a "source" of income, which is also found in section 16, was also removed. Under section 16, the court will determine income using the "sources" of income set out in the T1 General form issued by the Canada Customs and Revenue Agency. Section 17 applies to cases where the amount determined under section 16 is not fair. Therefore, the reference to "sources" in section 17 was unnecessary.
Paragraphs (b) and (c) were collapsed into subsection 17(1), without affecting how 17(1) is applied. The section was simply streamlined to make it easier to use.
RECOMMENDATION
No amendment to this section is recommended.
http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/fl-lf/child-enfant/rp/v2/v2_4.html
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The Facts About Women and Poverty
Commonly
asked questions about women and poverty in Canada
We help women in Canada to move
out of poverty by funding life-changing programs designed especially for them. Through
these unique programs, they can learn a skilled trade, start a small business,
or get work experience.
1.
Canada is a rich country - is poverty really a problem?
2. Why are so many people in Canada poor?
3. How is poverty measured in Canada?
4. Why should we focus on women in poverty, rather than men in poverty?
5. Why are women more likely to be poor?
6. Is the earning gap between men and women really that significant?
7. Whats the best way to help a woman get out of poverty?
8. Sources
2. Why are so many people in Canada poor?
3. How is poverty measured in Canada?
4. Why should we focus on women in poverty, rather than men in poverty?
5. Why are women more likely to be poor?
6. Is the earning gap between men and women really that significant?
7. Whats the best way to help a woman get out of poverty?
8. Sources
Canada
is a rich country—is poverty really a problem?
·
Once the full impact of the
recent global economic crisis is calculated, it is estimated that as many as
4.8 million Canadians will be poor.1 If you
gathered this many people in one place—men, women and children—you would create
a city twice the size of Toronto.
·
On average, 9% of people living
in Canada are poor. However, some groups are much more likely to be poor than
others:
·
Some groups have appallingly
high rates of poverty: In Manitoba, almost 70% of Aboriginal children under the
age of six are poor.8
·
Compared to other developed
countries, Canada’s poverty rate is high—we rank 20th out of 31 OECD countries.9 High poverty makes a country
less competitive, its people less healthy, and its society less equal.
Why are so
many people in Canada poor?
·
In Canada, people may be poor
for many reasons:
·
They don’t have enough skills
or education to get a good job, one where they can earn enough to live above
the poverty line.
·
There are not enough good jobs
in their community.
·
They have lost their job and
can’t find another.
·
They have a physical or mental
disability that limits their ability to work.
·
They have an accident or
develop an illness and can no longer work.
·
They can’t find a good job
because of workplace discrimination. Immigrants often have trouble finding work
because of language barriers and the refusal of many employers to recognize
education or experience from outside Canada, no matter how impressive.
·
They live on welfare. People
who rely on social assistance live in poverty.10 For example, a woman raising one child on her own could receive
as little as $14,829 per year in welfare benefits. That’s only $1,235 per
month. After paying rent, she would have very little left to buy food,
clothing, bus tickets, school supplies, and other essentials.
How is
poverty measured in Canada?
·
Poverty can be described as
ABSOLUTE or RELATIVE:
·
Absolute poverty describes deprivation,
a situation where a person can’t afford basic needs such as
adequate food, shelter, clothing, and transportation. Our research shows that
38% of the women who attend our economic development programs cannot meet their
family’s basic needs.11
·
Relative poverty describes inequality,
a situation where a person is noticeably worse off than most people in his or
her community. Many low income families can barely afford to pay the rent and
put food on the table, let alone pay for dental care, eyeglasses, school
outings, sports equipment for the kids, Internet access, or prescription drugs.
These are things that most people in Canada take for granted and would consider
necessities.12
·
Our statistics are based upon
Low-Income Cut Offs (LICO) as determined by Statistics Canada.13 LICOs measure relative poverty and inequality.
·
We focus on inequality because
a large gap between rich and poor can have a devastating impact on a nation’s
overall economic health. At the 2011 World Economic Forum, senior economists
called the current increase in income inequality the most serious challenge
facing the world. It not only “exacerbates political instability” but can also
cause economic crises: inequality peaked in 1929 and again in 2007, directly
before the two worst economic meltdowns of the past 100 years.14
Why
should we focus on women and poverty, rather than men and poverty?
·
Helping poor women helps poor
children.
·
When children are poor, it’s
usually because their mother is poor. Eighty percent of all lone-parent
families are headed by women. This adds up to over 1 million families, and they
are among the poorest in the country. Single moms have a net worth of only
about $17,000, while single dads have about $80,000.15 (Net worth is the total value of possessions such as a car,
furniture, real estate, savings, stocks, RRSPs, etc.)
·
Poverty makes children sick.
Poor children often start out as underweight babies, which sets them up for
future health problems. As they grow up, kids who live in poverty suffer from
higher rates of asthma, diabetes, mental health issues—even heart disease.
·
Poor children have more speech
and hearing problems, and score lower on cognitive tests. Not surprisingly,
they are also more likely to struggle in school. Research shows that poor
children have “reduced motivation to learn, delayed cognitive development,
lower achievement, less participation in extra-curricular activities, lower
career aspirations, interrupted school attendance, lower university attendance,
an increased risk of illiteracy, and higher drop-out rates.”16
·
Poverty can endanger women’s
safety.
·
Women who leave a partner to
raise children on their own are more than five times likely to live in poverty
than if they stay with their partner.17
·
There’s plenty of evidence
showing abused women sometimes stay in abusive relationships because they know
that leaving will plunge themselves and their children into poverty.18
Why are
women more likely to be poor?
·
Women are more likely than men
to be poor for two main reasons:
·
Women spend more time doing
unpaid work, leaving less time for paid work.
·
Each day, men and women work
about the same number of hours, but women do more unpaid work (housework,
childcare, meal preparation, eldercare, etc.)20 Women do about 4.2 hours a day doing unpaid work, while men do
about 2.2 hours.21 Stay-at-home dads do less childcare (under 1.6 hours per day)
than stay-at-home moms (3.1 hours per day).22
·
In addition to doing this
domestic work, 70% of women with children under the age of six also work
outside the home. Not surprisingly, women are much more likely than men to lose
time from their paid work because of family responsibilities.23
·
In order to juggle their
domestic responsibilities, many women choose part-time, seasonal, contract, or
temporary jobs. Unfortunately, most of these jobs are low paid, with no
security, few opportunities for advancement, and no health benefits.
·
Most poor women in Canada are
working, but can’t earn enough to lift themselves out of poverty because they
are clustered in these low paid and precarious jobs.26
·
Canada’s lack of affordable
childcare—and the lack of workplace policies such as flex-time and caregiver
leave—often forces women into career choices that severely limit their earning
power. That’s why many women refuse overtime and promotions, and select careers
that promise to be ‘family-friendly.’ Women’s domestic responsibilities also
make it harder for them to return to school or attend training sessions that
could advance their career.
·
Women who interrupt their
career to care for children or other family members have much lower earnings:
in one study, women aged forty who had interrupted their careers for at least
three years for maternity leave were earning about 30% less than women with no
children.27
·
The double-duty demands of home
and workplace force many women to sacrifice their long-term economic security.
This is a high price to pay for being a mother.
·
Women face a gender wage gap.
·
Some people argue that this gap
can be explained by the fact that women can’t or won’t work as many hours as
men. However, this wage gap persists even when hourly wages are compared: women
earn an average of $17.96 per hour compared to $21.43 for men, meaning that
women earn 83.8% of the male hourly wage.29
·
The wage gap also persists even
when women have the same education and experience as men. Although more women
graduate from university, they are not earning as much as men. Female graduates
earn an average of $62,800, males earn $91,800.30
·
Part of the problem is that
jobs that have been traditionally done by women pay less than traditional male
jobs. This is true “regardless of the value of the work to the employer or the
consumer.”31 The more a job is considered ‘women’s work,’ the less it pays.
·
There is a perception that some
traditionally male-dominated trades deter women from entering them: 53% of
Canadians believe that women are detered from becoming a construction worker,
50% believe women are deterred from becoming a heavy equipment operator and 47%
believe women are deterred from becoming mechanics.32
Is
the earning gap between men and women really that significant?
·
Since women still shoulder most
of the domestic load and still face wage discrimination, it’s not surprising
that - over their lifetime – they earn much less than men.
·
In 2007, the estimated average
lifetime earnings for men was $803,000. On average, women earn about 65% of
that, or $519,600. While women’s lifetime earnings are higher now than in the
1970s, given the stubbornness of the current wage gap it seems unlikely that
women’s average lifetime earnings will ever equal men’s.
·
Women’s lower earning power
means they are at a high risk of falling into poverty if they have children and
then become separated, divorced, or widowed. They are less able to save for
their retirement and more likely to be poor in their senior years. And, as
previously mentioned, the fear of falling into poverty means that some women
stay in abusive relationships, despite the danger.
·
It’s true many women today
pursue demanding careers and are very successful. However, the top female CEOs
usually have partners who take on the bulk of the domestic work and childcare.33
·
When women work outside the
home and also do most of the domestic work, their long-term health suffers.
According to Statistics Canada, women at every age are more likely than men to
describe their days as ‘quite a bit’ or ‘extremely’ stressful.34
·
There are now twice as many
working women in Canada as there were thirty years ago35. This ranks among one of the
most dramatic social changes of the last century. However, the failure of
governments and employers to adequately respond to this new reality leaves
women at an incredible disadvantage. Women “simply cannot participate in the
labour market on an equal footing with men.36 According to Human Resources Development Canada, “One of the
major obstacles to gender equality has been the failure of workplace and social
institutions, historically organized around the male breadwinner model of the
family, to keep pace with changing labour market trends.”36
What’s the
best way to help a woman get out of poverty?
·
The Canadian Women’s Foundation
works to advance women’s economic equality by bringing together community
organizations to share research, skills, and the most promising practices for
moving low-income women out of poverty.
·
We also invest in community
programs that help women to increase their income by launching a small
business, learn a skilled trade, or work in a job placement.
·
In the programs we fund, women
learn to identify their strengths and skills and build upon them. This positive
‘asset-based’ approach avoids creating long-term dependency and builds
self-confidence—an essential tool for starting the difficult journey out of
poverty. Each woman receives customized just-in-time services, whether her
immediate priority is food and shelter, budgeting skills, developing personal goals,
creating a business plan, learning a trade, or being matched with a mentor. The
goal is to help her to build a solid foundation that includes stable housing,
childcare, employment skills, self-confidence, financial literacy, a strong
social network, and a supportive family.
·
Through this approach, we have
helped thousands of women from across Canada to move out of poverty. Along the
way, each woman has contributed to Canada’s economy and created a more secure
future for herself and her children.
Sources
1. Up from
2008 when just over 3 million Canadians lived in poverty. The Problem of Poverty Post-Recession,
Armine Yalnizyan, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, August 2010, p. 3.
At the time of the 2006 census, 2,503,281 people lived in the City of Toronto
(comprised of the former municipalities of East York, Etobicoke, North York,
Scarborough, Toronto, and York).
3. Based on 2000 data. Women in Canada, p. 200.
4. Ibid, p. 254.
5. Ibid, p. 297.
6. Economic Wellbeing, Women in Canada: A Gender-based Statistical Report, Cara Williams, Statistics Canada, December 2010, p. 6.7. Ibid, p. 21.
8. Based on 2007 data. Women's Poverty and the Recession, Monica Townson, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, September 2009, p. 11.
9. Child poverty capital: 68% of aboriginal kids poor, report card states, Kevin Rollason, Winnipeg Free Press, November 26, 2010.
10. OECD Facebook 2010: Economic, Environmental and Social Statistics - Poverty Rates and Poverty Gaps, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
11. The only province in which welfare rates are above the poverty line is Newfoundland and Labrador, at $19,297 per year for a lone parent with one child. Welfare Incomes 2009 - Postcards, National Council on Welfare.
12. Beyond Survival: Helping Women Transition Out of Poverty, Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2010.
13. See for example: The Impact of Poverty on the Health of Children and Youth, Rachel Singer, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, April 2003, p. 11-12.
14. The statistics used in Question 1 are based upon Low-Income Cut Offs (LICO) from Statistics Canada. LICOs describe an income ‘line’ which changes according to the number of people in a family, the size of their community, and so on. Families living below LICO have to spend more of their income on necessities than the average family. While LICO was originally designed to measure relative poverty, however, some scholars argue that LICO should now be considered a measure of absolute poverty because its baseline calculation is no longer being updated. See: Are Statistics Canada’s Low-Income Cutoffs an absolute or relative poverty measure?, Andrew Mitchell and Richard Shillington, undated.
15. “Davos WEF 2011: Wealth inequality is the ‘most serious challenge for the world,” Philip Aldrick, The Telegraph, January 26, 2011.
16. Refers to median net worth. Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report—Economic Well-Being, , p. 23.
17. Supporting Education: Building Canada - Child Poverty and Schools, Canadian Teacher’s Federation, 2009, p. 1.
18. Canadian women on their own are poorest of the poor, Monica Townson, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, Sept. 8, 2009.
3. Based on 2000 data. Women in Canada, p. 200.
4. Ibid, p. 254.
5. Ibid, p. 297.
6. Economic Wellbeing, Women in Canada: A Gender-based Statistical Report, Cara Williams, Statistics Canada, December 2010, p. 6.7. Ibid, p. 21.
8. Based on 2007 data. Women's Poverty and the Recession, Monica Townson, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, September 2009, p. 11.
9. Child poverty capital: 68% of aboriginal kids poor, report card states, Kevin Rollason, Winnipeg Free Press, November 26, 2010.
10. OECD Facebook 2010: Economic, Environmental and Social Statistics - Poverty Rates and Poverty Gaps, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
11. The only province in which welfare rates are above the poverty line is Newfoundland and Labrador, at $19,297 per year for a lone parent with one child. Welfare Incomes 2009 - Postcards, National Council on Welfare.
12. Beyond Survival: Helping Women Transition Out of Poverty, Canadian Women’s Foundation, 2010.
13. See for example: The Impact of Poverty on the Health of Children and Youth, Rachel Singer, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, April 2003, p. 11-12.
14. The statistics used in Question 1 are based upon Low-Income Cut Offs (LICO) from Statistics Canada. LICOs describe an income ‘line’ which changes according to the number of people in a family, the size of their community, and so on. Families living below LICO have to spend more of their income on necessities than the average family. While LICO was originally designed to measure relative poverty, however, some scholars argue that LICO should now be considered a measure of absolute poverty because its baseline calculation is no longer being updated. See: Are Statistics Canada’s Low-Income Cutoffs an absolute or relative poverty measure?, Andrew Mitchell and Richard Shillington, undated.
15. “Davos WEF 2011: Wealth inequality is the ‘most serious challenge for the world,” Philip Aldrick, The Telegraph, January 26, 2011.
16. Refers to median net worth. Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report—Economic Well-Being, , p. 23.
17. Supporting Education: Building Canada - Child Poverty and Schools, Canadian Teacher’s Federation, 2009, p. 1.
18. Canadian women on their own are poorest of the poor, Monica Townson, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, Sept. 8, 2009.
20. Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical
Report—Economic Well-Being, Cara Williams, Statistics Canada,
December 2010, p. 31. It’s true that women were slightly less likely than men
to lose their jobs in the 2008-2009 recession, but only because women are
concentrated in “pink-collar” jobs. In 2009, employment for women fell 1% in
2009, compared to 2.9% for men. See “The Pink Collar Factor,” Rebecca Lindell,
The Telegram (St. John’s), December 13, 2010.
21. Cooking, Caring And Volunteering: Unpaid Work Around The World, Veerle Miranda, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, March 2011, p. 19.
22. “Women carry the load of unpaid work in rich nations,” Derek Abma, Vancouver Sun, March 5, 2011.
23. Cooking, Caring And Volunteering: Unpaid Work Around The World, p. 19.
24. Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report—Economic Well-Being, p. 109.
25. Broad Investments: Counting Women in to the Federal Budget, YWCA Canada, Jan. 20, 2009, p. 5
26. Ibid, p. 5.
27. See for example: When Working Is Not Enough To Escape Poverty: An Analysis Of Canada’s Working Poor, Dominique Fleury and Myriam Fortin, Policy Research Group, Human Resources and Social Development Canada, August 2006. : See also: Bringing Minimum Wages Above the Poverty Line, Stuart Murray and Hugh Mackenzie, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, March 2007.
28. Study: Earnings of women with and without children, The Daily, Statistics Canada, March 24, 2009. Accessed April 8, 2010.
29. Women In Canada: Economic Well-Being, The Daily, Statistics Canada, Dec.16, 2010.
30. Women in the Workplace: Still a long way from equality, Canadian Labour Congress, 2008, p.10
21. Cooking, Caring And Volunteering: Unpaid Work Around The World, Veerle Miranda, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, March 2011, p. 19.
22. “Women carry the load of unpaid work in rich nations,” Derek Abma, Vancouver Sun, March 5, 2011.
23. Cooking, Caring And Volunteering: Unpaid Work Around The World, p. 19.
24. Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report—Economic Well-Being, p. 109.
25. Broad Investments: Counting Women in to the Federal Budget, YWCA Canada, Jan. 20, 2009, p. 5
26. Ibid, p. 5.
27. See for example: When Working Is Not Enough To Escape Poverty: An Analysis Of Canada’s Working Poor, Dominique Fleury and Myriam Fortin, Policy Research Group, Human Resources and Social Development Canada, August 2006. : See also: Bringing Minimum Wages Above the Poverty Line, Stuart Murray and Hugh Mackenzie, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, March 2007.
28. Study: Earnings of women with and without children, The Daily, Statistics Canada, March 24, 2009. Accessed April 8, 2010.
29. Women In Canada: Economic Well-Being, The Daily, Statistics Canada, Dec.16, 2010.
30. Women in the Workplace: Still a long way from equality, Canadian Labour Congress, 2008, p.10
31. Angus Reid
Omnibus Study, Canadian Women's Foundation, 2012.
32. Women In Canada: Economic Well-Being, The Daily, December 16, 2010.
33. What is Pay Equity?, Equal Pay Coalition.
34. Halving the Double Burden, Liz Bolshaw, Women at The Top, blog March 14, 2011.
35. Percieved life stress 2009, Statistics Canada.
36. In 2006, almost 60% of all females over the age of 15 were in the paid workforce, compared to 68% of all males over the age of 15. From Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report, Statistics Canada, 2006, Fifth Edition, p. 103
37. If Women Mattered: The Case for Federally Funded Women-Centred Community Economic Development, Women’s Economic Council, 2010, p. 5.
38. Gender Equality in the Labour Market, Lessons Learned, Final Report, Human Resources Development Canada, October 2002, p.1.
32. Women In Canada: Economic Well-Being, The Daily, December 16, 2010.
33. What is Pay Equity?, Equal Pay Coalition.
34. Halving the Double Burden, Liz Bolshaw, Women at The Top, blog March 14, 2011.
35. Percieved life stress 2009, Statistics Canada.
36. In 2006, almost 60% of all females over the age of 15 were in the paid workforce, compared to 68% of all males over the age of 15. From Women in Canada: A Gender-Based Statistical Report, Statistics Canada, 2006, Fifth Edition, p. 103
37. If Women Mattered: The Case for Federally Funded Women-Centred Community Economic Development, Women’s Economic Council, 2010, p. 5.
38. Gender Equality in the Labour Market, Lessons Learned, Final Report, Human Resources Development Canada, October 2002, p.1.
---------
CANADA- Mothers under siege
Some say the B.C. government has
violated the human rights of single moms with its punitive social policies.
Raven Prince has a
job at a bank, doesn’t collect welfare, and works hard to provide a good life
for her two kids. However, during an interview in her tidy East Vancouver
apartment, she told the Georgia Straight that she still senses a stigma
associated with being a single aboriginal mom when she goes out with her
children. She said that in some stores, she feels like she’s under
surveillance.
“People are always
staring,” Prince said. “I always feel singled out or something—when I’m going
shopping, especially. I always feel like I have to buy certain stuff just so
they don’t think less of me.”
That’s not her
greatest anxiety, though. The 26-year-old single mom has been on a waiting list
for more than a year for daycare for her three-year-old son, Terence. This
September, she will also need after-school care for her five-year-old daughter,
Tatiana, who will be starting Grade 1. She won’t find out until August if
Terence has been accepted.
Prince has been
able to work 22.5 hours per week at the bank because her mother has been
looking after Terence and Tatiana during the day. “My mom baby-sits; I’m lucky
to have her,” Prince said. “But now she’s going to go back to school in
September. Now it’s a matter of finding someone who is going to watch him.”
Like Prince,
thousands of single parents across the province struggle with trying to earn a
decent income, finding daycare, and ensuring their kids get a good start in
life. But new data from Statistics Canada show that whereas the incomes of
Vancouver single fathers have increased in recent years, the incomes of single
mothers are in decline. This has some women’s rights and antipoverty activists
claiming that B.C. Liberal government policies discriminate against single
mothers, who are among the poorest citizens of the province. In a curious
twist, the premier and the attorney general were both raised by single mothers.
Prince said that
her children’s father has another family and she isn’t receiving
family-maintenance payments from him. Each day, she leaves her subsidized
Native housing project in East Vancouver and takes the bus to work on the
city’s West Side. The closest child-care centre is several blocks from her
home. It makes her wish she could have attended a recent demonstration for
daycare in Vancouver.
“I would love to
have been at that protest, saying, ”˜Yeah, we need daycare,’” she said with a
smile. “But I had to be at work. I can’t afford to take a day off.”
If there’s nobody
to care for her kids, Prince might have no alternative but to go on welfare. As
a single parent “expected to work” with two children, she would receive $1,036
per month in social assistance.
The current
welfare rate is far lower than Prince’s annual income, which clears $20,000.
It’s also significantly lower than the $1,368 per month that a single
employable parent with two kids would get if the B.C. Liberal government had
indexed the welfare rate to inflation, according to a welfare-advocacy
coalition called Raise the Rates.
Prince said that
she recently “jumped” at the chance for more hours at the bank, even though it
will mean less time with her children. “I want my kids to get ahead,” she said.
“I don’t want them growing up the way I did—the poverty that I had to go
through. That’s why I took those extra hours.”
Under Premier
Gordon Campbell, the B.C. Liberal government has introduced several policies to
discourage single parents from collecting welfare and encourage them to find a
job. Single moms and single dads are now expected to work when their child
turns three, regardless of whether or not the parent has found childcare. Under
the previous NDP government, single parents weren’t expected to work until
their child turned seven.
A single parent
with two kids in the “expected-to-work” category receives $296 less per month
than a disabled single parent with two kids. The B.C. government recently
introduced a rent-supplement program for parents who make less than $20,000,
don’t live in subsidized housing, and who have less than $10,000 in assets.
Only the working poor are eligible. This rent-supplement program is not
available for those on welfare. Working poor don’t pay provincial income tax on
their first $15,000 of income.
Then there’s all
the paperwork for those who apply for a daycare subsidy. Prince said that in
the past, she could walk down the street to a government office and fill out
some forms. “Now you need a referral from your doctor or a dentist or some sort
of social worker,” she said. “What if you don’t have a social worker? And you
have to do this every six months. I have to take a whole day off work just so I
can do this. It is a big hassle because you have to go find someone qualified
to sign this. Then you’ve got to sign all the papers. Then you’ve got to fax it
out. It’s a big hassle.”
The Campbell
government eliminated the monthly earnings exemption of $200 for welfare
recipients in 2002. This means that if single parents on welfare earn any extra
income with a part-time job—and they are “expected to work”—the provincial
government will deduct those earnings, dollar for dollar, from their
social-assistance cheques.
Seth Klein, B.C.
director of the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, told the Straight that
B.C. is the only jurisdiction in North America that has prevented people on welfare
from topping up their incomes with part-time work. The B.C. Liberal government
also eliminated a monthly $100 exemption for family-maintenance payments. Now
the government deducts spousal payments from welfare cheques on a
dollar-for-dollar basis.
“Before 2002, it
was possible for a single mother to combine welfare and other sources of income
in the course of the year and actually get just above the poverty line,” Klein
said in a phone interview. “You could also get $100 in the family maintenance.
And you add up all those different sources, and a lot of women could just
manage to nudge above the poverty line.”
Richard Chambers,
spokesperson for the Ministry of Employment and Income Assistance, told the
Straight that in 2001, there were 38,000 “cases” of employable single parents
on welfare in B.C. This resulted in 101,000 people, including children,
receiving benefits. As of this April, he said, that had fallen to 14,000 cases
and 37,000 people. That’s a drop of 63 percent in both categories.
“If they’re
expected to work, the government believes that full-time employment is much
better than having people depend on income assistance for longer periods of
time by mixing combinations of part-time work and income assistance,” Chambers
said. “Full-time employment is better for the children and the parents.”
For Prince, one of
the downsides of working is not participating in important events in her
children’s lives. She missed Tatiana’s kindergarten sports day. “I’m going to
miss her awards day,” she added.
Another Vancouver
single mother, Karen Schendlinger, told the Straight that she’s always running
from one place to another to get everything done. It doesn’t leave a lot of
time for fun.
“I think one of
the main sacrifices that I have observed in talking to other single moms is
social,” she said in a phone interview. “We don’t go out much, you know. We
maybe see each other and talk to each other on the playground when we drop off
our kids at school.”
Schendlinger, a
library technician with the Burnaby school district, said she was able to find
a two-bedroom suite in a house for $880 per month, not including utilities. She
added that she feels fortunate to have landed a job that pays $40,000 per year
but says she still must watch her expenditures closely. She acknowledged that
prior to this job, she experienced financial challenges as a single mom, often
running up large credit-card debts.
“For three years
before that, my daughter and I were living with my sister,” she said. “We
shared rent and expenses. That was a cost-saving measure for both of us.”
The sisters
thought about buying a place, but Schendlinger said it was out of reach in
today’s housing market. She also said that she knows how to conduct research,
which is an essential skill for any single mother looking for child-care
subsidies, daycare spaces, or even an affordable place to live. “If you don’t
know how to find it, it’s really hard,” she said.
Social activist
Jean Swanson spent 14 years raising two children as a single mom. In an
interview with the Georgia Straight at the Carnegie Community Centre at Main
and Hastings streets, Swanson spoke frankly about some of her own experiences.
She said there is a big difference in the lifestyles of middle-income and
low-income single moms.
“It takes time to
be poor,” Swanson explained. “You don’t have a car. You walk to save bus fare
for the kids. You don’t go to The Bay. You keep an eye out for rummage sales
and garage sales. You sew. You don’t buy frozen lasagna, right? You cook your
beans from scratch—you don’t even buy them in a can. It takes time.”
For a poor single
mom, she said, entertainment involves going to the park or the library, not to
places like Science World. With a laugh, she recalled once reading an ad asking
people to send in their favourite stories about the aquarium. She has her
favourite “single-mom aquarium story”.
Swanson’s children
were around nine and 10 years old at the time. They wanted hot dogs and fries,
but they also wanted to see the aquarium. There wasn’t enough money for all of
this, so Swanson decided to wait outside, giving the kids strict instructions
to stay together at all times after entering the facility.
Five minutes
later, her children emerged from the building. “They said, ”˜We miss you,
Mom,’” Swanson said fondly. “They had the hot dogs.”
Swanson,
coordinator of the Carnegie Community Action Project, said the federal Liberal
government’s decision to abolish national welfare standards in the mid 1990s
has played a “huge, huge, huge” role in letting B.C. provide inadequate rates
and deny assistance to people in need.
She said she
cofounded the Raise the Rates coalition in response to government policies,
which she claimed are causing homelessness, suffering, and early deaths.
“Poverty is the biggest cause of poor health and early death in the world,” she
said. “There is no doubt about it.”
In 1988, Swanson
ran against Campbell for mayor of Vancouver. When asked what she would tell the
premier if he visited the Carnegie Community Centre today, she replied, “It
would probably be one of those conversations that passes in the night. He would
be talking about competitiveness.”
In late May,
Statistics Canada reported that half of the single-parent families in Canada
earned less than $30,000 in 2005. The median total income of single mothers in
Vancouver in 2005 was $27,700, down from $29,000 the previous year. The median
total income for male single parents in Vancouver, on the other hand, went up
from $41,900 to $45,500 over the same period.
Spokesperson
Chambers said that the Ministry of Employment and Income Assistance wouldn’t
comment on the recent Statistics Canada report because the information isn’t
current. On April 1, single mothers who are expected to work received a $100
monthly increase in social assistance if they have one child and a $155 monthly
increase if they have two children.
It was the first
increase in shelter allowance since 1992. Last year, the B.C. government posted
a surplus of $2.85 billion.
Shelagh Day, a
director of the Vancouver-based Poverty and Human Rights Centre, points out
that single mothers have the highest poverty rate of any group in Canada. In an
interview with the Straight in a Cambie Street coffee shop, Day said that
single mothers are poorer as a group than Native people and the disabled.
“Most people don’t
realize that single mothers are the poorest people in the country,” Day said.
“And they don’t think about the combination of social policies that puts women
in that position.”
Day coauthored a
2005 report, Human Rights Denied: Single Mothers on Social Assistance in
British Columbia, which stated that single mothers who work have a 35.1-percent
poverty rate, compared with a 96.2-percent poverty rate among single-mother-led
families with no income earner. She said that 20 percent of families are headed
by single parents, which makes this a major public-policy issue.
Day also alleged
that the B.C. Liberal government’s policies toward single mothers violate the
British Columbia Human Rights Code and result in more child poverty. To her
mind, the B.C. government’s delivery of public services, including welfare,
fails to accommodate the distinctive needs and situations of families led by
single mothers.
In 2003 and 2004,
British Columbia ranked worst among the provinces in terms of child poverty, according
to figures compiled by the Canadian Council on Social Development.
“We’ve got a
rising poverty rate among single mothers in this province, while it’s falling
in the rest of Canada,” Day said. “It worsened particularly in the three years
between 2001 and 2004. In other words, under Campbell’s watch.”
In a speech last
month at the University of Ottawa, Day said that 40 percent of Canadian single
mothers and 73 percent of Native single mothers live below the poverty line.
Only 15 percent of single fathers live below the poverty line, she said.
The premier
himself was raised by a single mother. His mother was widowed when her husband,
a UBC medical-school professor, committed suicide. During election campaigns,
Campbell frequently mentions how hard his mother, Peg, worked to raise him and
his three siblings. The Straight requested an interview with the premier
concerning his government’s policies regarding single mothers. His office never
returned the call.
“I think it’s very
unfortunate that a man in the position of power that he is in—with personal
experience of the kind that he has, apparently—would permit, if not foster,
such social policies,” Day said. “So what can you say about this? There is a
disconnect between his personal experience and what he is actually doing. You
know, he’s got policies in place under his ministers and his government that
are punishing single mothers. And everybody has to ask why.”
When the Straight
asked Day to elaborate, she replied, “I don’t know his personal psychology. Personal
psychology of politicians is not very interesting to speculate on. But I think
it means that his interests are somewhere else. Who he wants to serve is some
other group of people.”
Swanson had her
own explanation for the premier’s policies regarding single mothers. “I think
the most important thing is the class, not the family status,” she said,
referring to Campbell’s West Side upbringing.
Gina Whitfield
spends 15 hours per week volunteering at a Lower Mainland transition house. She
told the Straight in a phone interview that the B.C. Liberal government’s
welfare rates are forcing some women to remain in abusive relationships.
Whitfield said women who spend time at the transition home have justified their
decision this way: “Well, I’m going to get hit, but at least my kids won’t live
in poverty.”
“It’s a serious
consideration,” Whitfield said.
Day claimed that
governments across the country are pursuing socially conservative welfare
policies to undermine women’s autonomy. “I think we’re still dealing with a
very deep resistance to the notion that women can make choices about leaving
relationships and living on their own and having children on their own,” she
said.
Not every single
mother lives in poverty. Shannon Johnny is one aboriginal single mom who has
beaten the odds. In an interview at a downtown coffee shop after work, she
explained that she raised her 13-year-old son with help from the boy’s father.
She works full-time as an executive assistant for an aboriginal child-welfare
organization, owns a car, and volunteers with the Urban Native Youth
Association.
“Not all of us are
on welfare,” Johnny said. “We do work hard. We want to have that equal standard
of living. I want the best for my son. I want to provide him with opportunity
and to have what other kids have.”
Johnny estimated
that she lived in 30 foster homes. She said that her mother, who had a drinking
problem, was “heartbroken” when Johnny was made a ward of the court at the age
of 13. Johnny doesn’t think of herself as being wealthy, but she noted that she
didn’t qualify for a leisure-access card from the Vancouver park board, which
provides discounted prices for swimming and skating. “I made too much money for
that,” she said.
But the big
picture is still fairly bleak, according to the statistics. Penny Irons,
executive director of the Aboriginal Mother Centre Society, told the Straight
that the single moms who come to her group’s East Vancouver centre are
“extremely poverty-stricken”. She also claimed that poverty is a factor behind
the high number of First Nations children who have been apprehended by the
provincial government, half the total number.
“They’re on the
rise for aboriginal children, while the nonaboriginal rates are going down,”
she said. “There were 9,262 kids in care as of April 30 of this year. There
were 4,678 aboriginal children in care. Aboriginal moms are definitely being
discriminated against. It’s in the research. It’s in the numbers.”
West Coast Women’s
Legal Education and Action Fund has tried to find a woman on welfare who will
file a human-rights complaint against the B.C. government for discriminating
against single mothers. The group’s executive director, Alison Brewin, told the
Straight in a phone interview that some women chose not to be complainants
because they didn’t want to be stigmatized in their own communities and create
additional difficulties for themselves and their children.
“The reality is
that when most of the women who thought about it went away, they would come
back and say, ”˜I don’t think I can bring that on my life,’” Brewin said.
Brewin used the
term “adverse-effects discrimination”, which has been recognized by the courts,
to explain how the breadth of government policies violate the Human Rights
Code. Everyone may be able to apply for welfare, she said, but the effect of
B.C.’s policies is to discriminate against single mothers on the basis of their
family status and sex.
Like the premier,
Attorney General Wally Oppal was raised by a single mother. And like the
premier’s staff, his office declined to arrange an interview to discuss whether
he thinks his government’s policies result in adverse-effects discrimination
against single mothers.
----------------
CANADA- FROM FATHERS FOR LIFE CANADA
Children and
Single Moms
Children of Divorce & Separation — StatisticsConsequences of father absence
---------------------
______________
--- Updates: 2000 03 10 2000 04 03 (to show reference to rape) 2000 04 04 (to show link to information about the bloody and deadly Countess Elizabeth Bathory) 2000 05 04 (to show link to E. Sodhi's collection of Canadian FV statistics) 2000 05 06 (to remove a couple of dead links) 2000 05 09 (to install search engine) 2000 05 23 (to add link to information about lesbian DV) 2000 06 08 (to show link to Carl Friedan's story) 2000 06 27 (added links to information to government-sponsored hate propaganda aiming to demonize all men.) 2000 08 27 (added link to Colorado men's help-line information) 2000 12 01 (to add link to Gender as a factor in Family Violence Courts) 2001 01 31 (format changes) 2001 02 06 (added link to Martin S. Fiebert's Annotated Bibliography) 2001 02 15 (added entry for Parents Helping Parents) 2001 03 12 (added reference to Getting Rid of Dad) 2001 04 09 (added link to Letter to John Ashcroft, US Attorney General) 2001 04 12 (updated links to M. Fiebert's bibliography) 2001 04 19 (added link to WFN press release re: new US DoJ stats on domestic violence) 2001 10 26 (made entry for The Nature of Domestic Violence Against Men) 2001 12 09 (added entry for A tool kit to destroy families) 2001 12 14 (added link to The troubles with DV murder statistics) 2001 12 29 (inserted comment on Elderly Abuse) 2002 01 31 (added reference to article on women's violence) 2002 02 04 (inserted graphics file Life with Mom and related note) 2002 02 05 (edited note slightly to correct grammar) 2002 07 22 (Added link to article on 'Women's Auxiliary of NAMBLA') 2002 08 03 (added reference to Female Adolescent Sex Offenders) 2002 09 10 (re-formated tables) 2002 10 01 (inserted links to articles by Dave Brown from the Ottawa Citizen) 2002 10 20 (inserted reference to St. Louis Post-Dispatch series of articles on the killing of elderly in US nursing homes.) 2002 11 08 (inserted entry for transcript of speech by Chris Erickson in honour of Erin Pizzey, the founder of the women's shelter movement and a target of feminist persecution, vilification, censorship and ostracism) 2002 11 13 (inserted Wendy McElroy's article "Feminist Urban Legends". It deals with the need to put an end to the popularizing of gender-biased advocacy research.) 2002 12 14 (inserted link to article in the Chicago Tribune, "The quiet horror", about infanticide) 2002 12 19 (added links to articles covering lesbian child sexual abuse) 2002 12 22 (format changes) 2003 07 22 (added reference to False Rape Charges Hurt Real Victims) 2003 07 31 (added comments about recognition of abuse) 2003 10 27 (added reference to Reena Sommer's speech on Controversy Within Family Violence Research) 2003 12 11 (added reference to David Fontes' analysis of "domestic violence" statistics) 2004 01 14 (added abbreviated index to this page) 2004 01 17 (added reference to When Girls Do It) 2004 03 13 (added reference to History of domestic violence among male patients...) 2004 06 18 (added reference to article on intimates murdered by women) 2004 06 24 (added entry for SUN — Seniors United Now) 2004 09 16 (added reference to commentary on wrongful convictions, re: "faulty" hair analyses) 2005 02 21 (added reference to MCSN) 2005 03 16 (added information on London MPS hate-campaign against men) 2006 02 16 (added The Myth of Female Innocence) 2006 04 28 (added references to female sex-offenders and educator sexual misconduct) 2007 03 09 (added pointer to report on male and female DV rates) 2013 03 08 (removed reference to dvstats.org -- website no longer functions)
__________________
Posted 2001 04 03 — to break up the web site index page; it had become too large Updates: 2001 04 06 (made entry for The evolution of the child-sexual-abuse industry and for The migration of power to radical feminism) 2001 04 20 (added link to suicide information for divorced men in Australia) 2001 04 20 (added link to bibliography covering studies investigating lesbian DV) 2001 05 06 (added reference to Things for men to think about) 2001 06 19 (added section on Patriarchy) 2001 07 14 (added link to Pay Equity) 2001 10 29 (added reference to Life Expectancies) 2001 11 23 (added reference to Seven Years in Jail for Attempted Slap) 2001 12 19 (added reference to Men's Silent Health Crisis) 2001 12 21 (added link to PC 101) 2002 01 24 (added link to Totalitarianism) 2002 02 24 (added link to index of the most popular pages at this site) 2002 05 04 (made entry for Utilities - Deregulation) 2002 05 06 (added entry for Prof. Diego de Leo's report on world suicide trends) 2002 07 11 (added link to article on U.S.-sponsored world population control) 2002 07 22 (added information items about Swedish suicide trends, and about mobbing victims in Sweden.) 2002 11 13 (made entry for Prostitution) 2002 12 23 (added a reference to propaganda-related topics) 2003 04 20 (added entry for child-support and alimony case-law examples) 2003 11 14 (added entry for Glenn Sacks' article on Men, Women and Work) 2006 12 27 (added entry for Spanish suicide statistics) 2012 07 05 (added graphs for Indian Suicides -- Husbands vs. Wives) ---------------- MOVING ON- RASCAL FLATTS ----------------------- O Canada- #211 best number2call in emergency-Distress Centre promotes 211 service to ease burden on emergency crews http://www.cbc.ca/1.3270671 ----- BLOGSPOT: MENTAL HEALTH MATTERS CANADA
BLOGSPOT:
Clara Hughes CANADIAN OLYMPIAN- Finishes Bike Ride -July 3 update-from the mouths of the children- JUNE 26 UPDATE- CANADA DAY'S COMING-JULY 1- GET UR CANADA ON -4 CANADA OLYMPIAN CLARA HUGHES BIG RIDE 4 MENTAL HEALTH FOLKS- send her tweets of support and love- Hey it’s Canada –Mental Health matters. NEWS UPDATES-Teen/Youth/PTSD/Abuse/Bullying stuff /Our Olympian Clara's completes journey 4mentalheal-let's talk-July 1- Clara's in Ottawa CANADA DAY 2014/SEPT 24 NS RCMP- preventing violent encounters -respect homeless and psychiatric problems DO LIST
http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2014/03/students-and-youth-are-stepping-up.html
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