JULY 10- 2015-

NOVA SCOTIA- EDITORIAL: Reports found mental health gaps — now fix them

THE CHRONICLE HERALD
Published July 9, 2015 - 5:22pm
Last Updated July 10, 2015 - 7:04am
A number of recent reports on mental health delivery, including a 2013 paper on youth in crisis prompted by the death of Rehtaeh Parsons, have been done in recent years. Rather than strike a public inquiry into mental health, says our editorial, we should act on the information we already have to fix gaps in service.
Conservative Leader Jamie Baillie wants a public inquiry into what he calls a crisis of mental health services.
Health Minister Leo Glavine says he doesn’t see a crisis or need for an inquiry. NDP leader Maureen MacDonald says Mr. Glavine should be providing the annual accountability reports required in the NDP government’s 2012 Mental Health and Addictions Strategy.
Who’s right here?
Whether Mr. Glavine sees it or not, people who are waiting far too long for mental health services, or who are turned away without help or treatment, are in a crisis.
He pretty much acknowledged that in June, when confronted with the cases of two poorly supervised patients at Valley Regional Hospital (one left in pyjamas in a distressed state, the other walked 15 kilometres without shoes after being discharged) and the case of an aggressive teenager with mental health issues who was sent home from the IWK and only admitted after police brought her back.
Then Mr. Glavine said he wanted “to see the strongest mental health support for our adolescent and early adult population, where there do seem to be gaps in the system.” He said he would be seeking expert advice.
Those comments prompted the mother of an autistic youth to write us about inadequate health support. She also had to call on police to assist in admitting her son to the IWK, where “he did not get the help he needed.”
Lianne Griffin, a mental health activist, came to Mr. Baillie’s news conference to share her frustrations in getting timely care for a brother diagnosed with schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. Provincial wait times for non-emergency community-based mental health services bear her out. Average waits for adults range from 17 days (New Glasgow) to 100 days (Sydney). For youths, they are 32 days (New Glasgow, Bridgewater) to 69 days (Truro, IWK).
Clearly there are serious problems. But a lengthy public inquiry probably isn’t the best solution when long waits are one of the problems. The province has excellent advice on what services should be. The 2012 strategy was based on two years of research and consultation by an expert committee. Following the death of Rehtaeh Parsons, a 2013 report by Dr. Jana Davidson identified crucial changes for youth in crisis. A 2010 inquiry into the death of Howard Hyde in police custody proposed 80 reforms.
All these reports led to service improvements. But what is lacking is an independent assessment of where services are living up to all this good advice, including the 2012 strategy, and where they are not. We need, in effect, a performance review that tells us, without taking years, where the province is not meeting best-practice advice. We need Mr. Glavine to commit to act on that review and to produce a performance plan, with timelines and annual progress reports. The priority is to act on good advice the government has, not to ask for more
http://thechronicleherald.ca/editorials/1298076-editorial-reports-found-mental-health-gaps-%E2%80%94-now-fix-them

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First Nations in Canada

First Nations in Canada
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Introduction

First Nations in Canada is an educational resource designed for use by young Canadians; high school educators and students; Aboriginalcommunities; and anyone interested in First Nations history. Its aim is to help readers understand the significant developments affecting First Nations communities from the pre-Contact era (before the arrival of Europeans) up to the present day.

The first part of this text —"Early First Nations" — presents a brief overview of the distinctive cultures of the six main geographic groups of early First Nations in Canada. This section looks at the principal differences in the six groups' respective social organization, food resources, homes, modes of transportation, clothing, and spiritual beliefs and ceremonies.

Parts two through six of this text trace the relationship between First Nations and newcomers to Canada from the very first encounter up to the government's historic apology in June 2008 to all former students of Indian Residential Schools. In this apology, the Government of Canada expressed deep regret for the suffering individual students and their families experienced because of these schools. The government also acknowledged the harm that residential schools and assimilation policies had done to Aboriginal people's cultures, languages and heritage.

Today the Government of Canada is working in partnership with First Nations in this new era of reconciliation to build stronger First Nations communities. All across the country, this crucial collaborative work is taking place in areas as diverse as First Nations economies, education, governance, social services, human rights, culture and the resolution of outstanding land claims.

Part 1 – Early First Nations: The Six Main Geographical Groups

Before the arrival of Europeans, First Nations in what is now Canada were able to satisfy all of their material and spiritual needs through the resources of the natural world around them. For the purposes of studying traditional First Nations cultures, historians have therefore tended to group First Nations in Canada according to the six main geographic areas of the country as it exists today. Within each of these six areas, First Nations had very similar cultures, largely shaped by a common environment.

The six groups were: Woodland First Nations, who lived in dense boreal forest in the eastern part of the country; Iroquoian First Nations, who inhabited the southernmost area, a fertile land suitable for planting corn, beans and squash; Plains First Nations, who lived on the grasslands of the Prairies;Plateau First Nations, whose geography ranged from semi-desert conditions in the south to high mountains and dense forest in the north; Pacific Coast First Nations, who had access to abundant salmon and shellfish and the gigantic red cedar for building huge houses; and the First Nations of the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins, whose harsh environment consisted of dark forests, barren lands and the swampy terrain known as muskeg.

The following section highlights some of the wide variations in the six groups' social organization, food resources, and homes, modes of transportation and clothing -- as well as spiritual beliefs widely shared by all Early First Nations.

Social Organization

Most Woodland First Nations were made up of many independent groups, each with its own hunting territory. These groups usually had fewer than 400 people. A leader generally won his position because he possessed great courage or skill in hunting. Woodland First Nations hunters and trappers had an intimate knowledge of the habitats and seasonal migrations of animals that they depended on for survival.

Unlike Woodland First Nations, Iroquoian First Nations did not migrate in search of food. Excellent farmers, these southern peoples harvested annual food crops of corn, beans and squash that more than met their needs. An abundance of food supplies made it possible for the Iroquoian First Nations (now known as the Haudenosaunee, or People of the Longhouse) to found permanent communities and gave them the leisure time to develop complex systems of government based on democratic principles.

The Huron-Wendat, for example, had a three-tier political system, consisting of village councils, tribal councils and the confederacy council. All councils made decisions on a consensus basis, with discussions often going late into the night until everyone reached agreement.

On the Plains, the individual migratory groups, each with their own chief, assembled during the summer months for spiritual ceremonies, dances, feasts and communal hunts. Even though each group was fiercely independent, Plains First Nations had military societies that carried out functions such as policing, regulating life in camp and on the march, and organizing defences.

The social organization of several Plains First Nations was influenced by their neighbours and trading partners—the First Nations of the Pacific Coast. As a result, the Dakelh-ne (Carrier), Tahltan and Ts'ilh'got'in (Chilcotin) adopted the stratified social systems of the Pacific Coast Nations, which included nobles, commoners and slaves.

In addition to these three distinct social orders, Pacific Coast First Nations had a well-defined aristocratic class that was regarded as superior by birth. The basic social unit for all First Nations in this part of the country was the extended family (lineage) whose members claimed descent from a common ancestor. Most lineages had their own crests, featuring representations of animal or supernatural beings that were believed to be their founders. The most famous method of crest display was the totem pole consisting of all the ancestral symbols that belonged to a lineage.

The people of the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins lived in a vast homeland where game animals were very scarce and the winters were long and severe. As was true of most First Nations across the country, those of the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins were primarily occupied with day-to-day survival. As such, First Nations were divided into several independent groups made up of different family units who worked together. Each group hunted a separate territory, with individual boundaries defined by tradition and use. A group leader was selected according to the group's needs at a particular time. On a caribou hunt, for example, the most proficient hunter would be chosen leader.

Food Resources

All First Nations across the country hunted and gathered plants for both food and medicinal purposes. The actual percentage of meat, fish and plants in any First Nation's diet depended on what was available in the local environment.

The Woodland First Nations (and all First Nations in the northern regions) hunted game animals with spears and bows and arrows. These First Nations also used traps and snares—a type of noose that caught the animal by the neck or leg. Northern hunters, such as the Gwich'in, built elaborate routing fences with stakes and brush. The Gwich'in used these fences to stampede animals into the area where snares had been set to trap them. To provide for times of hardship, the people dried large stores of meat, fish and berries during the summer. During the winter, to keep frozen meat safe from animals such as the wolverine, some First Nations of the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins stored their food high in a tree with its trunk peeled of bark.

Even though the Haudenosaunee had plenty of meat, fish and fowl available to them in the wild, they lived mainly on their own crops—corn, beans and squash, which were called "The Three Sisters." The men cleared the land for planting, chopping down trees and cutting the brush, while the women planted, tended and harvested the crops. After about 10 years, when the land became exhausted, the people would relocate and clear new fertile fields.

Because the buffalo was the main object of their hunt, Plains First Nations had a hunting culture that was highly developed over thousands of years. Communal hunts took place in June, July and August when the buffalo were fat, their meat prime and their hides easily dressed.

A single buffalo provided a lot of meat, with bulls averaging about 700 kilograms. Eaten fresh, the meat was roasted on a spit or boiled in a skin bag with hot stones, a process that produced a rich, nutritious soup. Just as common was the dried buffalo meat known as jerky, which could be stored for a long time in rawhide bags. Women also prepared high-protein pemmican—dried meat pounded into a powder, which was then mixed with hot, melted buffalo fat and berries. A hunter could easily carry this valuable food stuff in a small leather bag. Pemmican later became a staple in the diet of fur traders and voyageurs.

Salmon was the primary food source for the First Nations of the Plateau. Even the Tahltan hunters of the north assembled each spring at the fishing places to await the arrival of the first salmon. People used dip nets and built weirs in the shallows of swift waters to trap schools of fish. Of the thousands of salmon caught each year, a very small proportion was eaten fresh. The remainder was cleaned, smoked and stored for winter in underground pits lined with birch bark. Wild vegetable foods—chiefly roots and berries—also formed an important part of the diet of the Plateau First Nations, particularly the Interior Salish.

The vast food resources of the ocean—salmon, shellfish, octopus, herring, crabs, whale and seaweed—made it possible for Pacific Coast First Nations to settle in permanent locations. Unlike the Haudenosaunee who relocated every 10 years or so, Pacific Coast First Nations usually built permanent villages. Some village sites show evidence of occupation for more than 4,000 years. Like Plateau First Nations, those of the Pacific Coast dried most of their salmon in smokehouses so that it could be stored and eaten later. Fish oil also played an important part in people's diet, serving as a condiment with dried fish during the winter months. A highly valued source of oil was eulachon, a type of smelt.

The Coast Tsimshian, Haida and Nuu-chah-nulth all hunted sea lion and sea otter, going out into the ocean with harpoons in slim dugout canoes. However, the most spectacular of all marine hunts was the Nuu-chah-nulth's pursuit of the whale. Nuu-chah-nulth whaling canoes were large enough for a crew of eight and the harpooner, who was armed with a harpoon of yew wood about four metres long and sat directly behind the prow.

Homes

Because of their migratory way of life, First Nations of the Woodland, Plains and Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins all built homes that were either portable or easily erected from materials found in their immediate environments. Woodland and northern peoples' homes were essentially a framework of poles covered with bark, woven rush mats or caribou skin, called tipis.

Plains First Nations' tipi poles were usually made from long slender pine trees. These were highly valued because replacements were not easy to find on the Prairies. The average tipi cover consisted of 12 buffalo hides stitched together. To prevent drafts and to provide interior ventilation, an inner wall of skins about two metres high was often fastened to the poles on the inside. Women made, erected and owned the tipis.

Unlike nomadic First Nations, the Haudenosaunee had relatively permanent villages. The longhouse was the most striking feature in an Haudenosaunee village. This structure consisted of an inverted U shape made of poles, which were then covered with slabs of bark. Longhouses were usually about 10 metres wide, 10 metres high and 25 metres long. Each longhouse was headed by a powerful matriarch who oversaw her extended family's day-to-day affairs.

Among First Nations of the Plateau, the subterranean homes of the Interior Salish were unlike those of other First Nations in the country. The Interior Salish dug a pit, usually about two metres deep and from six to twelve metres wide, in well-drained soil, typically near a river. This location meant that clean water, fish and a means of transport were all readily accessible. The Interior Salish then covered the pit with a framework of poles and insulated this dwelling with spruce boughs and earth that was removed from the pit. An opening approximately 1.25 metres square was left at the top and served as both the doorway and smoke-hole. People entered the house with the help of steps carved into a sturdy, slanting log, the top of which protruded out of the opening of the pit house.

Massive forests of red cedar along the Pacific Coast allowed the First Nations who lived in this part of the country to build huge homes. Excellent carpenters, these First Nations used chisels made of stone or shell and stone hammers to split the soft, straight-grained cedar into wide planks. One of the largest traditional homes ever recorded from the pre-contact era was in a Coast Salish village. It was 170 metres long and 20 metres wide. Because Pacific Coast houses were so large, they could accommodate several families, each with its own separate living area and hearth.

Modes of Transportation

Woodland First Nations constructed birch bark canoes that were light, durable and streamlined for navigating the numerous rivers and lakes in this area. Canoe builders stitched bark sheets together and then fastened them to a wooden frame using watup—white spruce root that had been split, peeled and soaked. The vessel's seams were waterproofed with a coating of heated spruce gum and grease.

In the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins, birch trees did not grow as large as in the southern regions of the country. However, many northern First Nations were able to construct long canoes, using spruce gum to seal the seams between the smaller pieces of bark.

Some Haudenosaunee also built bark-covered canoes. However, these First Nations mainly travelled by land. Exceptional runners, the Haudenosaunee could cover extremely long distances in a very short time.

When the horse was introduced on the Plains by European explorers around 1700, the peoples of the Plains First Nations readily adapted and became skilled riders. Within 100 years of its introduction, the horse was an essential part of Plains First Nations culture—in hunting, warfare, travel and the transportation of goods. Before that, the principal means of transporting goods and household possessions was the dog and travois—two long poles hitched to a dog's sides, to which a webbed frame for holding baggage was fastened.

Pacific Coast First Nations travelled almost exclusively by water, using dugout canoes made of red cedar. Size varied according to a canoe's function. A small hunting canoe for one or two men would be about five metres long. The Haida built very large canoes. Some Haida canoes were more than 16 metres long and two metres wide, and could carry 40 men and two metric tons of cargo.

The actual construction process of a canoe could last three to four weeks and had its own rituals, including prayer and sexual abstinence for the canoe maker. These talented men stretched a canoe hull using a steam-softening process. Water was poured into the hollow and brought to a boil with hot stones. Wooden stretchers were then inserted to hold the sides of the canoe apart while it cooled.

For winter travel, all First Nations built some form of snowshoe with a wood frame and rawhide webbing. The shape and size of snowshoes varied due to what sort of terrain was being travelled.

Clothing

All First Nations across the country, with the exception of the Pacific Coast, made their clothing—usually tunics, leggings and moccasins—of tanned animal skin. Woodland and northern First Nations used moose, deer or caribou skin. Plains First Nations mostly used light animal skins, such as buffalo, antelope, elk or deer.

Women prepared the animal skins and used a smoke tanning process to preserve the hides. Bone needles were used to sew the garments with sinew from the back or legs of a caribou, moose or deer. In winter, people wore robes of fur for extra warmth. Caribou skins were particularly valued by First Nations of the Mackenzie and Yukon River Basins because caribou hair is an excellent insulator.

Whenever weather permitted, men from Pacific Coast First Nations went unclothed. Coast Tsimshian women wore skirts of buckskin, but elsewhere on the Pacific Coast the women's skirts were woven of cedar bark that had been shredded to produce a soft fibre. Neither men nor women of Pacific Coast First Nations had footwear of any kind. In rainy weather these coastal people wore woven bark rain capes and wide-brimmed hats of woven spruce roots. The Nuu-chah-nulth and Kwakwaka'wakw also made a distinctive long robe woven from yellow cedar bark. Some of these robes were interwoven with mountain goat wool and the most luxurious had borders of sea otter fur.

Any decorative touches on clothing came from nature. Many Woodland, Haudenosaunee and northern First Nations used dyed porcupine quills to embroider designs on their clothing and moccasins. Men and women coloured their clothing with red, yellow, blue and green dyes derived from flowers, fruits, roots and berries. The men of the Plains First Nations also regularly wore face paint, and a red dye derived from the clay was a very popular colour.

Spiritual Beliefs

All First Nations believed that their values and traditions were gifts from the Creator. One of the most important and most common teachings was that people should live in harmony with the natural world and all it contained.

In oral stories and legends that Elders passed from one generation to another, First Nations children learned how the world came into being and that they were a part of the whole of creation. People gave thanks to everything in nature, upon which they depended for survival and development as individuals and as members of their communities. First Nations treated all objects in their environment—whether animate or inanimate—with the utmost respect.

This deep respect that First Nations cultivated for every thing and every process in the natural world was reflected in songs, dances, festivals and ceremonies. Among the Woodland First Nations, for example, a hunter would talk or sing to a bear before it died, thanking the animal for providing the hunter and his family with much-needed food.

In keeping with their farming culture, the Haudenosaunee held six to eight festivals a year relating to the cultivation of the soil and ripening of fruits and berries. There was a seven-day festival to give thanks when corn was planted, for example, and another when it was green. A third festival was held when corn was harvested.

First Nations of the Pacific Coast had many rituals to give thanks and celebrate the annual salmon run. These rituals included a welcoming ceremony and offerings to the first salmon of the year.

For the principles that guided their day-to-day conduct, many First Nations shared value systems similar to the Seven Grandfather Teachings of the Anishnaabe peoples. These teachings stressed Wisdom, Love, Respect, Bravery, Honesty, Humility and Truth as the values that enable people to live in a way that promotes harmony and balance with everyone and everything in creation.

Part 2 – History of First Nations – Newcomer Relations

First Encounters – Military and Commercial Alliances
(First Contact to 1763)

Indigenous peoples occupied North America for thousands of years before European explorers first arrived on the eastern shores of the continent in the 11th century. These newcomers were Norse explorers and settlers, moving ever-westward from Scandinavia to Iceland and Greenland, and eventually to the island of Newfoundland. There they founded North America's first European colony at L'Anse aux Meadows. Although this colony was short-lived, it marked the beginning of European exploration and migration that would radically change the lives of North America's Indigenous peoples.

European Colonial Settlements and the Fur Trade

In the 1500s Europeans returned to the eastern shores of North America to establish settlements. By that time, many Europeans had heard from returning fishermen about the wealth of resources that the New World offered. Attracted by the Grand Banks' teeming cod stocks, Basque, Breton, Spanish, Portuguese, French, Irish and English fishermen had already made contact and traded with the Mik'maq and Maliseet peoples of the Eastern seaboard. As they returned each summer to fish and dry-cure their catch, these fishermen developed an informal trade system with First Nations, exchanging European goods for furs.

There was soon a network of competing colonies throughout the Americas as the various European powers pushed to expand their own wealth and influence in this New World. In North America, the British and the French quickly became the dominant powers. By the early 1600s the British had established several colonies and begun settlement on a large scale. The bases of France's North American empire were the colonies of Acadia in the Maritimes and New France in the St. Lawrence Valley.

Soon after founding these colonies, the two powers cemented alliances with First Nations to support their commercial interests, which included the fur trade. The British allied with the Iroquois Confederacy (now known as the Haudenosaunee, or People of the Longhouse, this group consisted of the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca First Nations) and the First Nations of the Allegheny Mountain range. The French allied with First Nations north of the St. Lawrence River (the Huron, Algonquin, Odawa and Montagnais) and in Acadia (the Mi'kmaq, Maliseet and Passamaquoddy). Using the long-established indigenous trade routes of the Interior, the English and French and their First Nations allies developed a vast trade focused on beaver pelts, that spread across North America. This trade spurred new European explorations throughout the Great Lakes basin, into the Prairies and down the Mississippi River.

Military Alliances and Conflict

French and British explorers, fur traders and soldiers followed the trade routes inland. There they established a network of forts and posts to supply their First Nations trading partners and confirm their presence. First Nations quickly adapted to this new commerce, which brought them European goods such as iron wares and firearms. The fur trade was so profitable and important that the various European and First Nations interests often clashed violently throughout the 16th and 17th centuries. Competition between groups such as the Haudenosaunee mentioned above and the Huron resulted in all-out warfare. In the mid-1600s, the Huron were driven from their traditional territories around Georgian Bay.

In 1701, this tumultuous era came to an end when France and 40 First Nations signed a treaty in Montreal known as the Great Peace. Through the agreement, the various First Nations in the Great Lakes basin promised to stop violent attacks and to share the lands, as "a dish with two spoons." Moreover, just prior to the Montreal conference, Haudenosaunee leaders had agreed to sell all of the lands of the Great Lakes to the British in exchange for their protection and the continued right to hunt and fish throughout the territory. The Haudenosaunee not only attained a stable peace with the French and its allies, but also secured British protection for their lands and interests.

As French and British colonies pushed further inland, their competition for control of the rich Interior of North America became a new theatre of war in the power struggles erupting across Europe. These power struggles, particularly between the British and the French, transformed their respective commercial partnerships with First Nations into vital military alliances that brought much needed support to both camps. Desperate for military assistance ahead of what would turn out to be the final French–British conflict in North America (the Seven Years' War of 1756–1763), British administrators created the IndianDepartment in 1755 to coordinate alliances with the powerful Haudenosaunee. The new Department also tried to resolve concerns regarding colonial fraud and abuses against First Nations and their lands along the colonial frontier.

In 1760, the fall of Montreal—the last French stronghold on the St. Lawrence—put an end to French colonial efforts in what would become Canada. The British victory led to a realignment of the First Nations alliances that had been in place for more than 150 years. Across the former colonies of New France and Acadia, the British undertook a series of treaties to secure the neutrality of First Nations and to establish peaceful relations. In the Maritime region, where lands had been hotly contested since the early 1700s, the British and the Mi'kmaq, Maliseet and Passamaquoddy peoples entered into dozens of these "Peace and Friendship" treaties. In 1760, the Aboriginal allies of New France called upon the British to recognize their neutrality in the Seven Years War and concluded the Treaty of Swegatchie and the Murray Treaty.

Although Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of the Indian Department, worked hard at smoothing relations with the sceptical former allies of the French, he was not entirely successful. Shortly after the fall of Montreal, the Odawa leader Pontiac, doubting British intentions and motives, led a series of attacks against British military positions throughout the Great Lakes region. Nevertheless, a combination of military and diplomatic missions enabled Johnson and the Indian Department to establish peaceful, if somewhat uneasy relations with the various First Nations of the Interior.

The Royal Proclamation of 1763

The Treaty of Paris in 1763 ended more than 150 years of European competition and conflict. Through this agreement, France ceded its colonial territories in what is now Canada, including Acadia, New France and the Interior lands of the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. Britain was now the primary European power throughout much of North America, controlling all of the valuable commercial fur trade. Despite this dominance, the British did not fully control the continent. British administrators realized that the success of Britain's North American colonies depended upon stable and peaceful relations with First Nations. To help achieve this, King George III issued a Royal Proclamation in 1763, which specified how the colonies were to be administered. This wide-ranging document established a firm western boundary for the colonies. All the lands to the west of this boundary became "Indian Territories" where there could be no settlement or trade without the permission of the Indian Department.

The Proclamation established very strict protocols for all dealings with First Nations. From 1763 onward, the Indian Department became the primary point of contact between First Nations and the colonies. In addition, only the Crown could purchase land from a First Nation, which was done by officially sanctioned Crown representatives negotiating with an interested First Nation in a public meeting. All other land purchases were to be considered invalid and were dismissed.

The original intent of the Royal Proclamation was to slow the uncontrolled western expansion of the colonies and tightly control the relationship between First Nations and colonists. But crucially, the Proclamation also became the first public recognition of First Nations rights to lands and title.

Part 3 - A Changing Relationship – From Allies to Wards
(1763–1862)

Until the late 18th century, the relationship between First Nations and the British Crown was still very much based on commercial and military interests. The Indian Department had one primary goal for the British administration throughout the Great Lakes basin—to maintain the peace between the small number of British soldiers and traders stationed at far-flung trading posts and the far more numerous and well-armed First Nations. Under Sir William Johnson's direction, the Indian Department acted as an intermediary between the military and First Nations leaders, securing lands for forts; assuring access to trade, furs and goods; issuing yearly presents; and organizing peace conferences. As Johnson made clear in a letter to the British government, the powerful position of First Nations meant that British commercial interests could only flourish in the Interior if the Crown took definite steps to protect those interests.

Treaties and a Growing Colony

The outbreak of the American War of Independence and Britain's subsequent recognition of the United States of America in 1783 had a dramatic impact on the relationship between the British Crown and its First Nations allies. The loss of the American colonies brought some 30,000 United Empire Loyalist refugees to the remaining British colonies in North America. A powerful group of people who had lost everything because of their support for the British cause, these Loyalists asked colonial administrators for new lands.

Settlers were not the only refugees from the newly independent United States. First Nations who fought alongside the British were also dispossessed by the war, especially the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy (this group consisted of the Five Nations Confederacy mentioned above, plus the Tuscarora First Nation). Their lands were unilaterally ceded to the Americans by the 1783 Treaty of Versailles. "His Majesty's Loyal Allies" from the Iroquois Confederacy were now refugees in Montreal and were asking for compensation for their efforts on the Crown's behalf. In response, officials from the Indian Department negotiated a series of land surrender treaties with the various Anishinaabeg peoples (Odawa, Ojibwa and Algonquin First Nations) inhabiting the lands along the St. Lawrence River and around the Great Lakes. These land surrenders, which largely preceded the arrival of settlers to the area, allowed for the remarkably peaceful establishment of an agricultural colony. To help compensate their First Nations allies for the losses incurred during the war with the Americans, the British Crown set aside two parcels of lands as reserves for the Six Nations—one at the Bay of Quinte and the other along the Grand River.

In the last decades of the 18th century, British military leaders and the Indian Department still placed great value on their strong military alliances with First Nations. They feared future conflict with the new American state to the south and saw the numerous First Nations warriors as essential to their colony's defence. The Indian Department worked to bolster the damaged alliances by trying to secure fair deals on land surrenders and by protecting First Nations lands. The Department also issued yearly presents and weaponry during gatherings and conferences with First Nations chiefs and leaders, even those in American territories. These alliances were tested and proved to be strong as war did eventually break out between Britain and its former American colonies. During the War of 1812, First Nations fought alongside the British and Canadian colonists against the American invasion of what is now southern Ontario.

Shifting Relationships

Once peace returned to North America, new immigrants and colonists continued to arrive. Less than 50 years after the first land surrenders for settlers in Upper Canada, the non-First Nations population outnumbered the settler population in the Great Lakes basin. To provide land for new settlers' farms, the pace of land surrenders increased. Some 35 sales were concluded, covering all the lands of Upper Canada—from the productive agricultural lands in the south to the natural resource-rich lands of Lake Superior and Georgian Bay.

As settlers demanded more and more property, they began to pressure the colonial administration for the lands held by First Nations. Instead of a bastion of colonial defence, the colony's First Nations populations were now regarded as an impediment to growth and prosperity. Not only had military threats to the colonies faded with the end of the War of 1812, but the colonial militia was able to draw on the ever-growing settler population to meet the colony's defensive needs. In the decades following the War of 1812, British administrators therefore began to regard First Nations as dependents, rather than allies.

By the 1830s, with more and more lands surrendered for settlement, only pockets of First Nations lands remained in Upper Canada. For the most part, the land surrender treaties did not create sizeable reserves for the First Nations signatories. First Nations thus increasingly lost access to hunting grounds and became a dispossessed people on their former lands. A treaty concluded in 1836 by the Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, Sir Francis Bond Head, established Manitoulin Island in Georgian Bay as a reserve for the dispossessed First Nations population. The goal was to encourage these landless peoples to relocate to the island where they would be removed from the more harmful aspects of colonial society (specifically alcohol and prostitution) and where they would adapt to the new colonial reality at a controlled pace. However, few First Nations actually relocated to Manitoulin Island. Most continued to live on small plots of lands set aside by the treaties or on the lands of religious missions trying to convert them to Christianity. Some squatted on Crown Lands, living an increasingly destitute life. Meanwhile, the Crown continued to conclude land surrender treaties with First Nations until 1862.

As settlement lands were filled, attention turned for the first time to northern areas where minerals had been discovered along the shores of Lake Superior and Lake Huron. As a result, the Robinson-Huron and Robinson-Superior treaties of the 1850s were negotiated with the various Anishinaabeg peoples inhabiting the area. These two treaties, unlike any previously negotiated treaties, would become the template for future agreements with First Nations in the West. Specifically, the two Robinson treaties ceded First Nations lands and rights to the Crown in exchange for reserves, annuities and First Nations' continued right to hunt and fish on unoccupied Crown lands. This formula to conclude agreements with numerous bands for large tracts of lands would become the model for the Post-Confederation Numbered Treaties.

The Hudson's Bay Company

While Britain established its new colony on the St. Lawrence, the Company of Adventurers, better known as the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), continued to trade as it had done since 1670. With an exclusive monopoly and a charter for all the lands of the Hudson Bay watershed, the HBC traded with the First Nations of what is now Northern Quebec, Ontario and Manitoba. In search of rich supplies of furs for the European market, this trade extended along the coasts of the Hudson and James bays. Only peripherally affected by the nearly continuous colonial conflict between France and Britain, the HBC was able to establish a series of posts at strategic major rivers. These early posts, such as Fort Albany and York Factory, became the base for an extensive trade alliance with the Cree. In exchange for a wide variety of goods (knives, kettles, beads, needles and blankets), the Cree traded vast amounts of animal furs from the Interior. As the fur trade grew more lucrative, the Cree became a sort of intermediary between the Company and the Interior groups. They collected furs and pelts from other First Nations hunters and took them to the HBC posts on the coast. Because of the HBC's monopoly over all trade on lands where the waters flowed into Hudson Bay, this trade relationship proved very profitable for both parties.

Not all parties, however, were happy with the Company's monopoly over some of the richest fur territories in North America. Following the transfer of New France to the British, French traders based in Montreal began to look for new sources of fur. Several new companies began to challenge the HBC, the most successful being the Northwest Company. Using the system of Interior trading posts and routes established by the French before 1763, the Nor'Westers, as they were known, exploited the lands of the Upper Great Lakes by going out to trade and collect the furs themselves. The Northwest Company, aided by the paddling and hauling skills of French-Canadian, Métis and First Nations voyageurs, went directly to the source of the furs. In this way, they were able to redirect a large quantity of furs away from the Cree intermediaries and the HBC posts far to the north. Using the Ottawa River route from Montreal up to Lake Nippissing and across to Lake Superior, the Northwest Company controlled the bulk of the fur trade heading to Montreal and across to Europe. From their company's primary post, Fort William (near present-day Thunder Bay), the Nor'Westers extended their reach into the vast Prairies of North America.

By going into the Interior and trading directly with First Nations hunters, the Northwest Company disrupted the long-standing relationship between the HBC and its Cree intermediaries. Faced with a sharp decline in fur stocks, the HBC governors in London responded by adopting their rival's tactics and abandoning the use of First Nations middlemen. During the first two decades of the 19th century, theHBC and Northwest Company pushed further down the North and South Saskatchewan, the Assiniboine and the Athabasca rivers (among others) in a race to get to First Nations hunters and their fur stocks. This competition not only pitted the traders against each other, but First Nations also joined the fray in an attempt to secure the best prices and goods for their furs. In 1821, after a bloody decade of violence and conflict on the Prairies, the two companies merged into a new and reinvigorated Hudson's Bay Company. The renewed HBC now stretched across the northern half of the continent and held a near total monopoly on trade from the Pacific Coast to Hudson Bay and down to Montreal.

This long history of trade, commerce and competition brought about major changes for the First Nations populations of the northern Plains. Above all, the European desire for fur radically transformed Indigenous economies. Rather than small-scale hunting for furs, First Nations were dedicating more and more time and resources to the seemingly endless European demand for animal pelts. The HBC's desire for bison pelts and pemmican (a type of preserved bison meat popular among traders and voyageurs) transformed the Plains First Nations' buffalo hunt from one of subsistence to extensive commercial exploitation. Trade patterns shifted towards the northern HBC posts and later to the Interior trading posts that were scattered across the Prairies. Traders who had to ship goods down the rivers to central depots such as Fort William hired First Nations men as labourers and porters. All of these activities contributed to a wide-scale diffusion of European goods, especially iron wares, knives and firearms, and to First Nations' dependence on these goods.

A second major impact of the extended fur trade was increased contact between First Nations, traders and settlers, which would have a dramatic effect on First Nations over the long term. The far-flung and isolated trading posts became gathering places for many groups—not only for trade with the HBC, but also for traders and First Nations themselves. This proximity to traders meant easy access to alcohol, which would have devastating effects on First Nations.

In 1812, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, the Earl of Selkirk, established a colonial settlement where the Red and Assiniboine rivers meet. Plagued by poor planning and the ongoing conflict between the HBC and the Northwest Company, this initial attempt to organize a colony in the Interior ended in failure. However, a few settlers and Company men did remain in the area and lived in the Interior year-round. Eventually, these people helped form a more established community along the Red River. Decades of intermarriage between HBC traders and voyageurs with First Nation women created a new and distinct Aboriginal group—the Métis—centred at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine rivers. This close-knit community merged and adopted European and First Nations customs and lifestyles to meet the needs of the growing frontier settlement.

Part 4 - Legislated Assimilation – Development of the Indian Act
(1820–1927)

"Civilizing the Indian"

As First Nations' military role in the colony waned, British administrators began to look at new approaches to their relationship. In fact, a new perspective was emerging throughout the British Empire about the role the British should play with respect to Indigenous peoples. This new perspective was based on the belief that British society and culture were superior; there was also a missionary fervour to bring British "civilization" to the Empire's Indigenous people. In the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada, the Indian Department became the vehicle for this new plan of "civilization." The British believed it was their duty to bring Christianity and agriculture to First Nations. Indian agents accordingly began encouraging First Nations to abandon their traditional lifestyles and to adopt more agricultural and sedentary ways of life. As we now know, these policies were intended to assimilate First Nations into the larger British and Christian agrarian society.

Starting in the 1820s, colonial administrators undertook many initiatives aimed at "civilizing" First Nations. One early assimilation experiment took place at Coldwater-Narrows, near Lake Simcoe in Upper Canada. A group of Anishinaabe were encouraged to settle in a typical colonial-style village where they would be instructed in agriculture and encouraged to adopt Christianity and abandon hunting and fishing as a means of subsistence. But because of poor management by the Indian Department, chronic underfunding, a general lack of understanding of First Nations cultures and values, and competition between various religious denominations, the Coldwater-Narrows experiment was short-lived and a dismal failure.

Indian Legislation

Despite initial problems, the "civilization" program was to remain one of the central tenets of Indian policy and legislation for the next 150 years. One of the first such pieces of legislation was the Crown Lands Protection Act, passed in 1839. This Act made the government the guardian of all Crown lands, including Indian Reserve lands. The Act responded to the fact that settlement was occurring faster throughout the 1830s than the colony could manage. Squatters were already settling on unoccupied territory, both Crown lands and Indian reserves. The statute was thus the first to classify Indian lands as Crown lands to be protected by the Crown. The Act also served to secure First Nations interests by limiting settlers' access to reserves. More legislation protecting First Nations interests were passed in 1850, limiting trespassing and encroachment on First Nations reserve lands. This legislation also provided a definition of an "Indian", exempted First Nations from taxation and protected them from creditors. In 1857, the British administration introduced the Gradual Civilization Act. This legislation offered 50 acres of land and monetary inducements to literate and debt-free First Nations individuals provided they abandoned their traditional lifestyle and adopted a "civilized" life as a "citizen".

In 1860, the Management of Indian Lands and Property Act (Indian Land Act) brought about another fundamental change in First Nations' relations with the Crown. This Act transferred authority for Indian affairs to the colonies, enabling the British Crown to dispense with the last of its responsibilities towards its former allies. However, colonial responsibility for the management of "Indians and Indian lands" very soon became a federal responsibility with the creation of the new Dominion of Canada under the 1867British North America Act. The new nation continued the centralized approach to Indian affairs used by the British. In addition, in 1869 Canada extended its influence over First Nations by the purchase of Rupert's Land (the Hudson's Bay Company lands). The new Dominion was now responsible for addressing the needs and claims of First Nations from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains.

Indian Policy in British Columbia

On the West Coast, the relationship between European settlers and the region's First Nation inhabitants developed quite differently from that between settlers and First Nations in the Great Lakes basin. For nearly 50 years, the commercial aspirations of the Hudson's Bay Company had overshadowed settlement in the West. With a trade monopoly for the entire British half of the Oregon territory, the HBC was content to keep its diplomatic dealings with the West Coast First Nations restricted to commercial matters relating to the fur trade.

In 1849, the HBC received a new mandate to establish a colony on Vancouver Island. James Douglas, the HBC's Chief Factor and later colonial Governor after 1854, signed 14 treaties with various Coast Salish communities on Vancouver Island between 1850 and 1854. Under these treaties, the First Nations surrendered land required for settlement around various HBC posts in exchange for lump sum cash payments and goods, and the continued right to hunt and fish. The creation of the colony of British Columbia in 1859 and the rise of local control over colonial administration had a deep and lasting impact on First Nations in the region. Led by colonial surveyor and later lieutenant governor, Joseph Trutch, the colonial assembly slowly retracted the policies established by Douglas during the 1850s. Treaty making did not continue after 1854 because of British Colombia's reluctance to recognize First Nations land rights, unlike all other British colonial jurisdictions. This denial of Aboriginal land title persisted even after British Colombia joined Confederation and ran contrary to the Dominion's recognition of this title in other parts of the country.

The Numbered Treaties

Between 1871 and 1921, Canada undertook a series of land surrender treaties throughout its new territories. The objectives of these surrenders were to fulfil the requirements under the transfer; to secure Canadian sovereignty; to open the land for settlement and exploitation; and to reduce possible conflict between First Nations and settlers. Adhering to the form of the 1850 Robinson Treaties, the Crown negotiated 11 new agreements covering Northern Ontario, the Prairies and the Mackenzie River up to the Arctic. As in the Robinson Treaties, these Numbered Treaties set aside reserve lands for First Nations and granted them annuities and the continued right to hunt and fish on unoccupied Crown lands in exchange for Aboriginal title. Also included in these new treaties were schools and teachers to educate First Nations children on reserves; farming, hunting and fishing equipment; and ceremonial and symbolic elements, such as medals, flags and clothing for chiefs. First Nations were not opposed to this process and in many cases pressured Canada to undertake treaties in areas when it was not prepared to do so. First Nations signatories had their own reasons to enter into treaties with the Crown. On the whole, First Nations leaders were looking to the Crown for assistance in a time of great change and upheaval in their communities. Facing disease epidemics and famine, First Nations leaders wanted the government to help care for their people. They also wanted assistance in adapting to a rapidly changing economy as buffalo herds neared extinction and the HBC shifted its operations to the North.

Throughout the negotiations and in the text of the Numbered Treaties, First Nations were encouraged to settle on reserve lands in sedentary communities, take up agriculture and receive an education. The Treaty Commissioners explained that the reserves were to help First Nations adapt to a life without the buffalo hunt and that the government would help them make the transition to agriculture. These 11 treaties included land surrenders on a massive scale. The Numbered Treaties can be divided into two groups: those for settlement in the South and those for access to natural resources in the North.Treaties 1 to 7 concluded between 1871 and 1877, led the way to opening up the Northwest Territories to agricultural settlement and to the construction of a railway linking British Columbia to Ontario. These treaties also solidified Canada's claim on the lands north of the shared border with the United States. After a 22-year gap, treaty making resumed between 1899 and 1921 to secure and facilitate access to the vast and rich natural resources of Northern Canada.

The Indian Act

In 1876, the government introduced another piece of legislation that would have deep and long-lasting impacts on First Nations across Canada. The Indian Act of 1876 was a consolidation of previous regulations pertaining to First Nations. The Act gave greater authority to the federal Department of Indian Affairs. The Department could now intervene in a wide variety of internal band issues and make sweeping policy decisions, such as determining who was an Indian. Under the Act, the Department would also manage Indian lands, resources and moneys; control access to intoxicants; and promote "civilization." The Indian Act was based on the premise that it was the Crown's responsibility to care for and protect the interests of First Nations. It would carry out this responsibility by acting as a "guardian" until such time as First Nations could fully integrate into Canadian society.

The Indian Act is one of the most frequently amended pieces of legislation in Canadian history. It was amended nearly every year between 1876 and 1927. The changes made were largely concerned with the "assimilation" and "civilization" of First Nations. The legislation became increasingly restrictive, imposing ever-greater controls on the lives of First Nations. In the 1880s, the government imposed a new system of band councils and governance, with the final authority resting with the Indian agent. The Act continued to push for the whole-scale abandonment of traditional ways of life, introducing outright bans on spiritual and religious ceremonies such as the potlatch and sun dance.

The concept of enfranchisement (the legal act of giving an individual the rights of citizenship, particularly the right to vote) also remained a key element of government policy for decades to come. As very few First Nations members opted to become enfranchised, the government amended the Act to enable automatic enfranchisement. An 1880 amendment, for example, declared that any First Nations member obtaining a university degree would be automatically enfranchised. An 1933 amendment empowered the government to order the enfranchisement of First Nations members meeting the qualifications set out in the Act, even without such a request from the individuals concerned. In 1927, the government added yet another new restriction to the Act. In response to the Nisga'a pursuit of a land claim in British Columbia, the federal government passed an amendment forbidding fundraising by First Nations for the purpose of pursuing a land claim without the expressed permission of the Department of Indian Affairs. This amendment effectively prevented First Nations from pursuing land claims of any kind.

Indian Education and Residential Schools

In 1883, Indian Affairs policy on First Nations education focused on residential schools as a primary vehicle for "civilization" and "assimilation". Through these schools, First Nations children were to be educated in the same manner and on the same subjects as Canadian children (reading, writing, arithmetic and English or French). At the same time, the schools would force children to abandon their traditional languages, dress, religion and lifestyle. To accomplish these goals, a vast network of 132 residential schools was established across Canada by the Catholic, United, Anglican and Presbyterian churches in partnership with the federal government. More than 150,000 Aboriginal children attended residential schools between 1857 and 1996.

Part 5 - New Perspectives – First Nations in Canadian Society
(1914–1982)

Despite decades of difficult and painful living conditions for First Nations under the restrictive regulations of the Indian Act, many First Nations answered the call to arms during both World Wars and the Korean War. Approximately 6,000 Aboriginal soldiers from across Canada served in the First World War alone. By the late 1940s, social and political changes were underway that would mark the start of a new era for First Nations in Canada. Several First Nations leaders emerged, many of them drawing attention to the fact that thousands of their people had fought for their country in both World Wars. First Nations across the country began to create provincially based organizations that forcefully expressed their peoples' desire for equality with other Canadians, while maintaining their cultural heritage.

Rolling Back Paternalism

In 1946, a special joint parliamentary committee of the Senate and the House of Commons undertook a broad review of Canada's policies and management of Indian affairs. For three years, the committee received briefs and representations from First Nations, missionaries, school teachers and federal government administrators. These hearings brought to light the actual impact of Canada's assimilation policies on the lives and well-being of First Nations. The committee hearings were one of the first occasions at which First Nations leaders and Elders were able to address parliamentarians directly instead of through the Department of Indian Affairs. First Nations largely rejected the idea of cultural assimilation into Canadian society. In particular, they spoke out against the enforced enfranchisement provisions of the Indian Act and the extent of the powers that the government exercised over their daily lives. Many groups asked that these "wide and discretionary" powers be vested in First Nations chiefs and councillors on reserves so that they themselves could determine the criteria for band membership and manage their own funds and reserve lands. While the joint committee did not recommend a full dismantling of the Indian Act and its assimilationist policies, it did recommend that unilateral and mandatory elements of the Act be scaled back or revised. The committee also recommended that a Claims Commission be established to hear problems arising from the fulfilment of treaties.

Despite the committee's recommendations, amendments to the Indian Act in 1951 did not bring about sweeping changes to the government's Indian policy, nor did it differ greatly from previous legislation. Contentious elements of the Act such as the involuntary enfranchisement clause were repealed, as were the provisions that determined Indian status. However, the amendments did introduce some changes. For example, sections of the Act banning the potlatch and other traditional ceremonies, as well as a ban on fundraising to pursue land claims, were repealed. Bands were also given more control over the administration of their communities and over the use of band funds and revenues. National pension benefits and other health and welfare benefits were to be extended to First Nations. While the 1951 Actdid limit some of the authority of the Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development over individual bands, the government continued to exercise considerable powers over the lives of First Nations.

Despite the fact that the Indian Act still limited First Nations' control over their own affairs, by 1960 social and economic conditions on reserve began to improve. That year First Nations were at long last extended the right to vote in federal elections, another recommendation of the 1946 joint committee. First Nations veterans played a big role in this important advance, pointing out that, despite having fought for Canada in two World Wars, they were still deprived the right to vote. Other improvements for First Nations included the provision of better healthcare services in the mid-1950s. With these improvements, the Status Indian population increased rapidly. In addition, many more First Nations children had access to schooling, including secondary and post-secondary education. In general, however, the living conditions of First Nations still fell far short of the standards of other Canadians.

The White Paper

In 1969, the government began to examine a radically new approach to its Indian policy. This approach was based on the view that all Canadians held the same rights regardless of ethnicity, language or history. Arguing that the "special status" of First Nations and Inuit had put them at a disadvantage, and that both of these groups should be fully integrated into Canadian society, the government tabled a policy paper commonly known as the White Paper. This paper called for a repeal of the Indian Act, an end to federal responsibility for First Nations and termination of special status. It also called for the decentralization of Indian affairs to provincial governments, which would then administer services for First Nations. The White Paper further recommended that an equitable way be found to bring an end to treaties. In this way, the government hoped to abolish what it saw as a false separation between First Nations and the rest of Canadian society.

First Nations overwhelmingly rejected the White Paper. The complete lack of consultation with the people who would be directly affected—First Nations themselves—was central to their criticism. It became apparent that while many people regarded the Indian Act as paternalistic and coercive, the Actnevertheless protected special Aboriginal status within Confederation and therefore specific rights. In the face of such strong negative reaction not only from First Nations, but also from the general public, the government withdrew the White Paper in 1971. The government's attempt to change its relationship with First Nations created a new form of Aboriginal nationalism. First Nations leaders from across the country united in new associations and organizations determined to protect and promote their peoples' rights and interests. These organizations proposed their own policy alternatives. The Indian Association of Alberta, for example, argued in a paper entitled Citizens Plus that Aboriginal peoples held rights and benefits that other Canadians did not. Rallying around this concept, First Nations leaders argued that their people were entitled to all the benefits of Canadian citizenship, in addition to special rights deriving from their unique and historical relationship with the Crown.

The federal government slowly began to change its approach and scale back its paternalistic presence in the lives of First Nation, for example, by withdrawing all Indian agents from reserves. The government also began to fund Aboriginal political organizations. This funding allowed these groups to focus on the need for full recognition of their Aboriginal rights and the renegotiation of existing treaties.

Comprehensive Land Claims

As First Nations organizations such as the National Indian Brotherhood (later the Assembly of First Nations) increasingly challenged the government's Indian policy, the courts also began to weigh in on the issue. In the early 1970s, three landmark court decisions brought about an important shift in the recognition of the rights of First Nations in Canada. In Northern Quebec, a proposed hydro-electric project in the James Bay region announced in 1971 became a focal point for Cree and Inuit protests. Arguing that the lands of Northern Quebec were not covered by any existing treaties and that they still held Aboriginal rights over those lands, the Cree Nation and Inuit of Northern Quebec filed for an injunction to block the project until their claim of rights and title was addressed. In an unprecedented decision in Canadian law, in 1973 the Superior Court of Quebec ruled in favour of the Cree and Inuit, deciding that there remained an unfulfilled obligation to resolve Aboriginal title in Northern Quebec.

That same year, the courts once again brought the issue of First Nations claims under public scrutiny. After decades of persistence, the Nisga'a people in British Columbia succeeded in bringing their case before the Supreme Court of Canada. Led by Frank Calder, the Nisga'a argued that Aboriginal title to lands was part of Canadian law. In their 1973 decision in the Calder case, six of the seven Supreme Court justices ruled in favour of the Nisga'a, confirming the legality of Aboriginal title. In a third court case in 1973, the Supreme Court of the Northwest Territories ruled in what has become known as the Paulette Caveat that Canada had not fulfilled its obligations under the terms of Treaties 8 and 11 in the Territories. As such, Aboriginal rights and title could not be fully relinquished to the Crown.

A review of these three monumental court decisions led the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (now Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada or AANDC) to announce its willingness to negotiate land claims based on outstanding Aboriginal title. The Department's newComprehensive Claims Policy, the aim of which was to settle land claims through a negotiated process, was announced in August 1973. Through this new policy, Aboriginal rights and title would be transferred to the Crown by an agreement that guaranteed defined rights and benefits for the signatories (i.e. land title, fishing and trapping rights, financial compensation and other social and economic benefits). The first agreement under this new policy was with the Cree and Inuit of Northern Quebec. Soon after the 1972 James Bay ruling, the Cree, Inuit and the federal and Quebec governments began negotiations in an attempt to settle Aboriginal claims and allow the hydro-electric development project to resume. Under the final agreement signed in November 1975, the concerned Cree and Inuit groups surrendered their Aboriginal title to about 981,610 square kilometres of the James Bay/Ungava territory in Northern Quebec. In return, these parties were awarded a $225-million settlement, to be paid over 20 years. The Cree and Inuit also received tracts of community lands with exclusive hunting and trapping rights, the establishment of a new system of local government on lands set aside for their use, and First Nations control over their education and health authorities. In addition, the agreement set out measures relating to policing and the administration of justice, continuing federal and provincial benefits, and special social and economic development measures.

Since 1975, the Comprehensive Claims Policy has been modified in response to Aboriginal concerns and positions. Most notably, new options were added in 1986 relating to the transfer of rights and title (as well as a broader scope of rights and other issues). A cap on the number of ongoing negotiations was lifted in 1991.

The negotiation of comprehensive claims is a long and painstaking process, requiring many years to complete. From 1975 to 2009, there were 22 comprehensive claims agreements, commonly known as "modern treaties," concluded across Northern Quebec, the Northwest Territories, Yukon and British Columbia. Two of the most important agreements concluded are the Nunavut and Nisga'a agreements. Signed in 1993, the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement was the first treaty with Inuit in Canada and laid the groundwork for the creation of the Territory of Nunavut on April 1st, 1999. One year earlier in British Columbia, after over a century of claims and 24 years of negotiation, the Nisga'a Agreement was ratified by the Nisga'a, Canada and the province of British Columbia. The Nisga'a Final Agreement of 2000 was the first modern treaty in British Columbia.

Specific Claims Policy

As part of the wider review of how Canada dealt with First Nations claims, AANDC created a companion policy to Comprehensive Claims that addressed claims of a more specific nature. While the idea of addressing specific First Nations claims was first proposed in the 1948 joint committee report, it was not acted upon until 1973. From this point forward the Comprehensive Claims Policy would deal with issues stemming from claims to Aboriginal title, whereas the Specific Claims Policy addressed claims relating to the failure to fulfill any "lawful obligations" flowing from the Indian Act or existing treaties. To accompany the policy, the Office of Native Claims was created to guide claims through the process. However, the claims process proved difficult and cumbersome, leading many First Nations to complain it was ineffective and inefficient. After amendments to the policy in the mid-1980s and again in the early 1990s, the government created the Indian Specific Claims Commission to review AANDC's decisions regarding claims and to make recommendations.

While these changes to the policy did allow for more claims to be addressed, the complexity, volume and diversity of the claims were increasingly difficult to manage. Lengthy delays were common. In 2006, the Senate Standing Committee on Aboriginal Peoples recommended that the government establish a dedicated fund for the payment of specific claims settlements and an independent body with a mandate and power to resolve specific claims. In response, AANDC invited First Nations organizations to become directly involved in formulating the new Specific Claims Policy. As a result, in 2008 the Specific Claims Tribunal Act created an independent adjudicative tribunal with the authority to make binding decisions on the validity of claims and on compensation.

"Existing Aboriginal and Treaty Rights"

The federal government entered into constitutional discussions with provincial premiers between 1977 and 1981 to reform and repatriate the Constitution. Aboriginal political organizations tried unsuccessfully to get a seat at the negotiations table. When a 1981 constitutional proposal was announced, Aboriginal and treaty rights were excluded. However, after several months of concerted lobbying, First Nations, Inuit and Métis organizations succeeded in having two clauses included in Section 35 of the Constitution, to recognize "existing Aboriginal and treaty rights" and to provide a definition of Aboriginal peoples that included all three groups. At conferences held between 1983 and 1987, attempts were made to define "existing Aboriginal and treaty rights." However, those rights remained undefined because of disagreements between the provinces, Canada and Aboriginal groups. Given this lack of consensus on a clear definition of "existing Aboriginal and treaty rights," responsibility has fallen to the courts to define the extent and scope of these rights and to direct government policies and programs so that they respect these rights and prevent any infringement of them.

Part 6 - Towards a New Relationship
(1982 – present)

Bill C-31

Since the mid-1800s, government policy had dictated that First Nations women automatically lost their Indian "status" if they married non-Aboriginal men. This automatic enfranchisement was entrenched in successive legislation for more than a century. For decades, many First Nations members, especially women, criticized this section of the Indian Act as blatant discrimination. By the 1980s, criticism of this aspect of the Act was widespread throughout Canadian society. Spurred by a series of 1970s court challenges attacking the legality of this loss of status for First Nations women, the government consulted with First Nations leaders across the country on how best to amend the Act.

Parliament passed Bill C-31 in 1985. This amendment to the Indian Act removed discriminatory provisions, eliminated the links between marriage and status, gave individual bands greater control in determining their own membership, and defined two new categories of Indian status. Through this amendment, some 60,000 persons regained their lost status. In addition, Bill C-31 distinguished between band membership and Indian status. While the government would continue to determine status, bands were given complete control over membership lists.

The Oka Crisis and RCAP

The need to deal with the long-standing grievances of First Nations became more urgent following the events at Oka, Quebec, in the summer of 1990. A conflict that would grab near-immediate national attention was sparked on July 11th of that year when the Quebec Provincial Police tried to dismantle a roadblock that had been set up outside Montreal in mid-March by a group of Mohawks from Kanesatake. This First Nation community had erected the roadblock to prevent the nearby town of Oka from expanding a golf course onto sacred Mohawk lands. One police officer was killed during the raid. For 78 days, armed Mohawk warriors faced off against the Quebec Provincial Police, and later the Canadian Armed Forces, before voluntarily withdrawing from their barricade after an agreement was reached between all parties.

Following what became known as the Oka Crisis, First Nations leaders and political commentators across the country debated the impact of the standoff. Supporters of the Mohawk Warriors Society argued that the conflict raised the profile of Aboriginal issues in a way that Aboriginal leaders had been unable to do previously. However, others argued that any gains made were offset by increased racism toward Aboriginal peoples, a loss of credibility for the Aboriginal rights movement and rising militancy among discontented Aboriginal youth.

In an attempt to address the concerns of First Nations leaders, and mere days before the conclusion of the Oka Crisis, the government announced a new agenda to improve its relationship with First Nations. The new measures included progress on land claim settlements, the creation of the Indian Specific Claims Commission, improved living conditions, an improved federal relationship with Aboriginal peoples and a review of the role of Aboriginal peoples in Canadian society. A few months later, in 1991, the government established the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). The Commission's mandate was to propose specific solutions to issues that had long plagued the relationship between Aboriginal peoples, the government and Canadian society as a whole.

The Commission published its final report in 1996, which included 440 recommendations covering a wide range of Aboriginal issues. The RCAP report is a significant body of work that has been widely used to inform public debate and policy making.

Self-Government

In 1983, in response to First Nations' demands for greater autonomy, the House of Commons established a parliamentary committee (the Penner Committee) to investigate Aboriginal self-government. Following its study, the committee stated in its report that this right was inherent to all First Nations and should be entrenched in the Constitution alongside Aboriginal and treaty rights.

In 1995, the government launched the Inherent Right Policy to negotiate practical arrangements with Aboriginal groups to make a return to self-government a reality. This process involved extensive consultations with Aboriginal leaders at the local, regional and national levels, and took the position that an inherent right of Aboriginal self-government already existed within the Constitution. Accordingly, new self-government agreements would then be partnerships between Aboriginal peoples and the federal government to implement that right. The policy also recognized that no single form of government was applicable to all Aboriginal communities. Self-government arrangements would therefore take many forms based upon the particular historical, cultural, political and economic circumstances of each respective Aboriginal group. Since the introduction of the policy, there have been 17 self-government agreements completed, many of which are part of larger Comprehensive Claims agreements.

National Aboriginal Day

The growing recognition of Aboriginal rights in Canadian law led to calls for greater recognition of the contributions of Aboriginal peoples to Canadian society. Shortly after the adoption of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, the National Indian Brotherhood, the leading body representing First Nations in Canada, called for the creation of a yearly "National Aboriginal Solidarity Day" on June 21st. Pressure for a national day of recognition continued to grow during the following decade as new ways were sought to bridge the divide between Aboriginal peoples and Canadians, especially in the wake of the 1990 Oka Crisis. In 1995, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples recommended the designation of a "National First Peoples Day" as a way to focus attention on the history, achievements and contributions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. This message was repeated later that year during the Sacred Assembly, a national conference chaired by Elijah Harper, which called for a national holiday to celebrate the contributions of Aboriginal peoples. On June 13, 1996, after considerable consultation with Aboriginal organisations, June 21st was officially declared National Aboriginal Day.

Since its inauguration, National Aboriginal Day has become part of the annual nationwide Celebrate Canada! festivities held from June 21st to July 1st. June 21st was chosen because of the cultural significance of the summer solstice and because many Aboriginal groups mark this day as a time to celebrate their heritage. Setting aside a day for Aboriginal peoples is part of the wider recognition of their important place within the fabric of Canada and the ongoing contributions to Canadian society made by First Nations, Métis and Inuit.

Residential Schools Apology

As the government continued to transfer control of local affairs to individual First Nations, education also began to be decentralized. New education policies began to emerge in the 1970s, with First Nations developing education systems that incorporated both the fundamental elements of a modern curriculum, as well as aspects of their respective traditions, languages and cultures. Special grants for training First Nations teachers, traditional language classes and lessons in First Nations history and culture helped strengthen these new education systems. With these advances, the residential school system increasingly fell out of favour and was slowly phased out. The final residential school, located in Saskatchewan, was closed in 1996.

While First Nations took charge of educating their children, the legacy of the residential school system became increasingly apparent. More and more stories surfaced regarding abuse and mistreatment of children by school administrators and teachers. In 1990, the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs leader Phil Fontaine called on the government and the churches involved with residential schools to acknowledge and address the decades of abuse and mistreatment that occurred at these institutions. In its final report, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples noted the deep and lasting negative impacts this policy had on those who attended the residential schools, as well as their families, communities and cultures. As claims and litigation against the government and churches continued to mount, the first steps toward reconciliation began in the 1990s. The various churches involved in running these institutions were the first to offer their apologies to residential school survivors. In 1998, the government also acknowledged its role in the abuse and mistreatment of Aboriginal students during their time at residential schools.

After nearly a decade of negotiations, in 2007 the Government announced a landmark compensation package (the Common Experience Package) for residential school survivors, worth nearly $2 billion. The settlement included a common experience payment, an independent assessment process, commemoration activities, measures to support healing and the creation of an Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission to act as an independent body and to provide a safe and culturally appropriate place for former students and others affected by the residential school system to share their experiences.

The Government of Canada offered an historic formal apology on June 11, 2008, to all former students of residential schools and asked their forgiveness for the suffering they experienced and for the impact the schools had on Aboriginal cultures, heritage and languages. The apology also made clear the government's commitment to address the legacy of residential schools through continuing measures, including the work of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

You may also be interested in:

https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1307460755710/1307460872523
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Canadian First Nations Seek to Protect Forest Homeland

By winning protection for their boreal forest, indigenous peoples help slow global warming.

Picture of a man clearing a road of snow — Ed Hudson and his crew clear a path to a neighboring village using 1948 Bombardier snowcats. Now under construction, a permanent all-weather road connecting Poplar River to Winnipeg will soon end Poplar River First Nation’s isolation.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

By Edwin Dobb, for National Geographic

Photographs by Greg Girard, for National Geographic

PUBLISHED FEBRUARY 24, 2015

He didn't mention his name, only that he was 62 years old and belonged to thePoplar River First Nation, indigenous people who live on the east shore of Lake Winnipeg, in Manitoba.

Then he talked about his childhood. When he was seven, he was separated from his family and sent to a Christian boarding school far from his village. He wasn't allowed to speak Ojibwa, his native language, and risked punishment for so much as mentioning a traditional prayer or ceremony.

At the mercy of the teachers and administrators, he says, he was beaten and abused. He endured cold, hunger, medical neglect. Only when he was 14 did he see his parents again. Everything that had stood for home was now foreign.

"I didn't recognize my mother," he explained. "I stayed with my auntie."

Such stories are common among indigenous peoples of Canada, known as theFirst Nations. In recent years they have begun to talk openly—through an officialtruth and reconciliation process—about the effects of a long-standing national assimilation policy.

Between the late 19th century and the mid-1990s, when the last "residential" school closed, tens of thousands of indigenous boys and girls across Canada were routinely abused—to "kill the Indian in the child," as one official had put it.

Picture of a man carrying rabbits he hunted — Poplar River elder John Charles McDonald, 74, carries rabbits he caught in his family's traps. Under the band’s new management plan, elders like McDonald will teach more young people how to trap, hunt, and fish commercially.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

The truth and reconciliation process is part of a larger movement among the First Nations of Canada to force the government to honor treaties relating to indigenous sovereignty and to return control of ancestral land taken away during colonization. Much of the land in contention is wild, as well as rich in timber, oil and gas, and minerals. The traditional territory of the Poplar River First Nation, for example, is the size of Yellowstone Park and mostly undeveloped. Like other First Nations, the people of Poplar River want it to stay that way.

Map showing the boreal forest in Canada — NG MAPS.

SOURCES: DISTRIBUTED ACTIVE ARCHIVE CENTER (DAAC), OAK RIDGE NATIONAL LABORATORY (ORNL); PIMACHIOWIN AKI CORPORATION; GEOGRATIS/ATLAS OF CANADA 2011

Consequently, the effort to regain control of ancestral land has become a potent environmental strategy, especially as the world's industrialized countries go to ever greater extremes to satisfy their appetite for natural resources. (Related: "Naomi Klein on How Canada's First Nations Can Take on the Oil Industry and Win")

Renewing ties to the land, says Sophia Rabliauskas, of the Poplar River First Nation, is the only way "to keep the heart going, to keep the flame from dying out." The way that aspiration has played out in the Poplar River and neighboring communities east of Lake Winnipeg—theBloodvein First Nation, Little Grand Rapids First Nation, and Pauingassi First Nation—has inadvertently placed them in the vanguard of the definitive environmental battle of our time.

That's because that territory encompasses a vast section of unspoiled boreal forest—a crucial front in the campaign to slow climate change. If the trees are left standing, and the soil undisturbed, the immense amounts of carbon they contain won't be released into the atmosphere as heat-producing carbon dioxide.

But becoming part of a global campaign wasn't on the minds of Sophia Rabliauskas and other Poplar River leaders when they started trying to reclaim the place they simply call the "bush."

Their aim was as simple as it was bold—to become the guardians of their traditional territory. To that end they created a land management and conservation plan while recruiting their First Nations neighbors to join them in what has been a decades-long endeavor.

Eventually, in 2011, the provincial government relented, giving the Poplar River First Nation control over an area known as the Poplar/Nanowin Rivers Park Reserve.

The reserve, home to most of the band's 1,700 members, covers only 3,800 acres, but the Poplar River First Nation's historic territory stretches eastward from the lake almost to the Ontario border—about two million acres of lowland forest and bog, or muskeg, that the provincial government officially considered unoccupied as recently as the 1990s.

Picture of a man hunting with his dog — Willard Bittern and his dog Buster stand on the edge of a beaver dam pond that has flooded a stand of poplar trees. The trees and soil in the boreal forest contain immense amounts of carbon.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

Now the people of Poplar River and their three neighbors in southeastern Manitoba— along with Pikangikum First Nation in northwestern Ontario and representatives of two provincial parks—are pressing UNESCO to designate their combined territory as a World Heritage site.

They call the region, which is the size of Belgium and straddles the Manitoba-Ontario border, Pimachiowin Aki—"land that gives life."

If approved, Pimachiowin Aki would be recognized for its world-class significance as both a cultural site and a natural site—a rare distinction.

The Spark for Action

"We had to prove we're here," Rabliauskas says, referring to the challenge of winning a measure of sovereignty over their land.

One incident in particular underscored how important that proof would become, and it involved Ed Hudson, a community leader.

During the early 1980s, Hudson and his mother's uncle were following a creekside beaver trapline when they came upon No Trespassing signs nailed to trees on both sides of the stream.

With the government's blessing, outsiders had built fishing and hunting lodges between Lake Winnipeg and the Ontario border.

Being told not to enter traditional Poplar River territory infuriated Hudson, then in his early 30s. Not one to back down from a fight, he wanted to destroy the signs, then pay a visit to those who had posted them.

But the older man advised his apprentice to be patient. "He always said to be respectful, to work within the law," Hudson explains. "We're still the Queen's Indians," he adds in jest, referring to Canada's symbolic relationship to the British monarchy.

Following discussions with provincial conservation officers, the signs were removed, and a confrontation avoided.

Picture of a man driving a boat upstream — Earnest C. Bruce runs one of several Poplar River rapids as he heads upriver for a weekend in the bush with family members. “Our spiritual values come from the land,” says his neighbor Ray Rabliauskas.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

But the implications of the incident and others like it were clear—at least to the Poplar River elders. "They told us people would come for our resources," Hudson says, "that we had to prepare."

Exhibiting an unusual degree of foresight and political savvy, the elders, most of whom have since died, urged the band to collect individual stories and record the history of the community, showing how the people had used—and continued to use—their ancestral lands.

They advised that this be done in a way that would satisfy officials in Winnipeg, which is to say, in written English—no easy task for people who still relied on oral traditions and for whom the province's majority language was largely foreign.

"No one knew what a land management plan was," Hudson says, "but that's how it started."

The first plan was modest, limited to a swath of forest from the village 25 miles upstream, and extending only five miles from the Poplar River on each side. The plan included a request that traditional traplines be respected.

How the government responded, after getting over the shock of a First Nation claiming provincial territory outside its officially recognized reserve, revealed a deep cultural divide.

Picture of two young men standing in a forest — Edward Franklin, 21, and Karl Berens, 19, attend a spiritual retreat at Weaver Lake, in Manitoba. By regaining sovereignty over ancestral land, Poplar River leaders have created a permanent legacy for generations to come.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

"We'll allow you to lease the area," officials said. In other words, pay for something you already own—if, that is, indigenous people viewed ownership in such terms.

The land doesn't belong to us," Hudson says. "It belongs to our children." The Poplar River leaders withdrew but didn't give up.

Sovereignty Through Solidarity

There then followed a remarkable chapter in the life of the people of Poplar River, as well as their First Nation neighbors—one whose ending has yet to be written but which has already inspired other indigenous groups, such as the Maori, in New Zealand, and the Fiji islanders.

The Poplar River band continued working on their land management plan, never doubting that the area should be controlled by the people who had lived there for 6,000 years.

Meanwhile, environmental groups launched a campaign to preserve the world's boreal forests, which cover most of Alaska, Canada, and Scandinavia, as well as much of Russia.

Canada seemed especially promising because a great deal of its original forest remained intact. Some 1,500 scientists from countries around the world petitioned the Canadian government to protect at least half of its boreal and to closely manage development on the rest.

With the technical and financial help of organizations like the Pew Charitable Trusts and the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Poplar River First Nation enlisted archaeologists, biologists, and other experts in its cause.

"We compiled lots of data, as they call it," Hudson says.

The band also hired Ray Rabliauskas, Sophia's husband, a non-native resident of Poplar River whose familiarity with both English and Ojibwa made him an ideal go-between during the many meetings that took place in Winnipeg.

Ray, Sophia, Hudson, and others returned again and again to the capital to argue for sovereignty. "I really enjoyed those days," says Hudson, who readily admits that, like his compatriots, he was learning on the job.

Even so, it appears that the government was often one step behind Poplar River, failing to appreciate the growing sophistication of the leaders, who saw themselves as doing nothing more than obeying the last wishes of their elders.

They moved closer to fulfilling that pledge in 1999, when Manitoba granted temporary—five-year—protection to Poplar River's entire historic territory.

In effect, the decision was a ban on all forms of development the Poplar River community deemed undesirable: No commercial logging, no mining, no dams, no power line corridor connecting hydroelectric projects in the northern part of the province to urban areas in the south—all of which the government had previously considered.

Whether the interim status would become permanent was far from certain, however. Nor was there a guarantee that Poplar River would exercise real control over the region. And both worried Hudson and the others, who were growing increasingly concerned about young people leaving the reserve. "More would stay," he says, "if there were more to stay for."

Picture of a First Nations man smoking and drinking coffee — On a cool summer morning, Willard Bittern enjoys his first cigarette and cup of coffee. The one-room cabin, upstream of Poplar River, is a frequent destination for Bittern and his relatives.

PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

Despite the uncertainty, the region's people set their sights even higher. Near the time the provincial government granted temporary protection, the First Nations met in Little Grand Rapids to discuss several issues, including applying for their territory to become a UNESCO World Heritage site: Pimachiowin Aki.

Soon they forged a cooperative stewardship accord saying they would work together to regain sovereignty and preserve their territory.

"The more intertwined it is," Sophia Rabliauskas had said during the lakeside spiritual retreat in 2010, "the stronger it becomes."

After the five First Nations signed the accord, Hudson, Sophia and Ray Rabliauskas, and other representatives of Pimachiowin Aki met with leaders of both the Ontario and Manitoba governments.

That led to the inclusion of two parks—one in each of the provinces—creating a continuous, mostly wild region that stretched across 40,000 square miles, all of it ancestral Ojibwa land.

Building Roads and Going Online

Before that fateful day when Ed Hudson found No Trespassing signs on a family trapline, the village of Poplar River had been accessible only by boat and plane.

The community subsequently built a road from the village southward for about 90 miles, paralleling Lake Winnipeg. During the winter, a maintenance crew plowed a path from the end of the road five miles across the ice to Pine Dock, a fishing outpost on the west side of the lake that's connected by highway to Winnipeg.

Eventually trucks replaced snow machines, ATVs, and canoes as the primary mode of transportation on the reserve, and roads and bridges were built to accommodate them.

Winter shopping trips that initially focused on necessities soon expanded to luxury items like TVs and computers. Today more than a hundred Poplar River homes have Internet service.

What remains of Poplar River's isolation won't last much longer. In their blueprint for the future, the elders asked Hudson and his contemporaries to include a year-round, all-weather road to extend the winter section all the way down the east side of the lake to Winnipeg.

"They told us the kids would need it," says Sophia Rabliauskas. "Just not in my lifetime!" she adds with a laugh. In 2007, Rabliauskas was awarded a prestigiousGoldman Environmental Prize for the groundbreaking work she and her Poplar River neighbors had done on behalf of indigenous sovereignty and forest conservation, including convincing the Manitoba government to extend interim protection—if necessary until 2014.

It wasn't. In June 2011, after a nerve-racking 12-year wait, Manitoba decided to protect in perpetuity all of the Poplar River First Nation's traditional territory.

Now, for the first time since European settlement, their homeland was under their own control.

That left one more step in realizing the vision of the elders—the designation of Pimachiowin Aki, which would increase the protected area fivefold. Once again, without intending to do so, tiny indigenous communities in a remote part of Canada found themselves in the forefront of global change.

The Canadian government, on behalf of the First Nations and provincial parks partners, submitted the World Heritage site nomination in January 2012. The following year, during its annual session, in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, the World Heritage Committee confounded everyone back in Canada by voting to defer the nomination.

Why?

The committee realized that the UNESCO evaluation criteria were flawed. Although they'd approved a small number of so-called "mixed" sites before, they'd never dealt with one so large, nor, more importantly, one in which the cultural aspect of the site was not embodied in a major structure, like a cathedral.

Poplar River and partners had proposed something very familiar to them but alien to UNESCO: What makes Pimachiowin Aki worthy of heritage site status is not its natural or cultural elements as separate entities but rather the special bond between the two.

To Canada's First Nations, indeed, and to aboriginal people everywhere, the notion that culture exists apart from nature is a kind of madness that's at the root of our environmental troubles.

Picture of First Nations teenagers hanging out in the bed of a pick-up truck — Kids hang out in the place they call "downtown" Poplar River. The sole school in the village goes only to ninth grade. Students must leave the reserve to attend high school, usually in faraway Winnipeg, yet another threat to cultural survival.
PHOTOGRAPH BY GREG GIRARD, NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC

During the 2014 meeting of the World Heritage Committee, held in Doha, Qatar, one of the committee advisers referred to the Pimachiowin Aki experience as a "traumatic process that asked some fundamental questions about how we work … particularly in territories of indigenous people."

The committee agreed, voting to review, at the next annual session, this coming summer, the way such nominations are evaluated. Poplar River and the other First Nations resubmitted their proposal on January 28.

A final decision on Pimachiowin Aki is expected in summer 2016.

Meanwhile, the people of Poplar River have been implementing the management plan the government approved in 2011.

A new trapping policy, aimed at maintaining beaver and other populations, is being developed. Looking to tourism and recreation as a source of revenue, the reserve now issues fishing licenses to outsiders. And community members are discussing ways to create jobs—in education and conservation, for instance—making it possible for youngsters to find well-paying, meaningful work in Poplar River. "We have to get ecology into the classroom," Ray Rabliauskas says. "We have to get kids back into the bush."

And if the allure of the outside world proves irresistible to the next generation, the area will nevertheless retain its character—as a cultural sanctuary the First Nations people can always return to and, as a bonus to us all, a natural preserve that will help counter the dangers of global climate change. Two aims—one local, the other global—braided together.

But neither would be possible without sovereignty. "Our spiritual values come from the land," Ray Rabliauskas says. "Having the land makes it real."
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/02/150224-poplar-river-first-nation-ojibwa-manitoba-global-warming-conservation/

CONTINUED... FIRST PEOPLES RELIGIONS- CANADA -by Canadian resources

Aboriginal People: Religion

· First Nation, Métis and Inuit religions in Canada vary widely and consist of complex social and cultural customs for addressing the sacred and the supernatural.

First Nation, Métis and Inuit religions in Canada vary widely and consist of complex social and cultural customs for addressing the sacred and the supernatural. The influence of Christianity — through settlers, missionaries and government policy — significantly altered life for Aboriginal peoples. In some communities, this resulted in hybridized religious practices; while in others, European religion replaced traditional spiritual practices entirely. Though historically suppressed by colonial administrators and missionaries, especially from the late 19th to mid-20th centuries, many contemporary Aboriginal communities have revived, or continue to practice, traditional spirituality.

Background

There is no definitive and overarching “Aboriginal religion.” Traditional Aboriginal religions vary widely, as do the spiritual practices of contemporary Aboriginal peoples in Canada. This article attempts to discuss broadly similar themes and practices, but is by no means exhaustive or authoritative. Additionally, traditional ways of life are often intermingled with religion and spirituality. Activities such as hunting, clan membership, and other aspects of daily life may often be imbued with spiritual meaning. More specific information may be found through further reading, or the guidance of community elders.

Three main types of myths, features of which often occur in combination, are particularly important in the religious practices of Aboriginal peoples. These three types are creation myths, institutional myths and ritual myths.

Creation, Trickster, and Transformation Myths

Creation myths describe the origins of the cosmos and the interrelations of its elements. Among these stories is the Earth Diver myth. In this myth the Great Spirit or the Transformer dives, or orders animals to dive, into the primeval water to bring back mud, out of which he fashions Earth (Eastern Woodlands, Northern Plains). In some versions of the myth, Earth is formed on the back of a turtle; Turtle Island is a popular name used by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples for the land of North America.

In some stories, the Transformer appears as a human being with supernatural powers, who uses heroic feats to bring the world into its present form. One of those Transformers is Glooscap of the Mi'kmaq, Maliseet, Abenaki and Algonquian peoples. The Algonquian peoples of Ontario and Québec have two Transformers — one good, one evil. Glooscap formed the sun, moon, fish, animals, and humans, whereas his brother Malsum formed snakes, mountains, valleys and anything else he thought would make life difficult for humans.

Trickster myths frequently represent the Great Spirit or Transformer as a comical character who steals important things such as light, fire, water, food, and sometimes animals or people, The captives are then lost or set loose to create the world as it is now. The Trickster character in Aboriginal myths takes on a wide variety of forms. Trickster can be male or female, foolish or helpful, hero or troublemaker, half-human-half-spirit, old or young, a spirit, a human, or an animal, depending on the area and the specific group of Aboriginal peoples. In Canada, Trickster is Coyote (Mohawk); half-human-half-spirit beings (Cree, Ojibwa, and Blackfoot); a racoon (Abenaki); a spider (Sioux); and Raven (many groups, including the Haida, Tsimshian, Tlingit, Inuit, and Nisga’a). Among various Native American groups, Trickster is also a badger, fox, hare, rabbit, coyote, bear, and blue jay.

Many myths tell the origin of the moon, the sun and the stars. In these myths, there is usually a tension between the heavenly bodies. For example, the cool moon by night is said to be necessary to counteract the burning of Earth and the killing of people by the heat of the sun. An Inuit myth tells of the sun and moon as a brother and sister who were originally together. The brother engaged in incest with his sister, so she chose to be eternally separated from him. Among many forms of myth about human origins around the world are those that tell of the Transformer changing various animals into people. Others tell of the origin of death.

Institutional and Ritual Myths

Institutional myths tell the origins of religious institutions such as the Sun Dance (Northern Plains, Siksika, Sioux), sacred Medicine Bundles (Siksika, Cree, Ojibwa, Haudenosaunee [Iroquois]), winter ceremonies (Coast Salish, Nuu-chah-nulth, Kwakwaka’wakw) and the Green Corn Ceremony (Haudenosaunee). See also False Face Society.

Ritual myths, on the other hand, serve as detailed texts for the performance of institutions, ceremonies and rituals such as the Sun Dance, Green Corn Ceremony and the Ojibwa Midewiwin ritual. Fertility, birth, initiation and death rites are often clearly stipulated in mythology. Shamanic performances may also be described. Ceremonies are often preceded by stringent purification rites, such as sweat lodges or baths (common for Salish, Blackfoot and Eastern Woodlands peoples) fasting and sexual abstinence. Feasting is a common feature of such ceremonies.

Other Myths

Culture Hero

Many important Culture Hero myths for the peoples of the Eastern Woodlands (Wendat, Ojibwa, Cree, Innu, Haudenosaunee, Odawa), Northwest Coast (Salish, Kwakwaka’wakw, Nuu-chah-nulth, Haida, Tsimshian, Tlingit) and Plateau areas (Nlaka'pamux, Syilx, Dakelh, Interior Salish) are reminiscent of the Greek myth of Orpheus. They tell of the Culture Hero or other prominent religious figure making a perilous journey to the realm of the dead to bring back a deceased loved one. These myths contain detailed characterizations of the land of the dead, and are important to an understanding of such diverse phenomena as the Plains Ghost Dance, concepts of the soul and many aspects of shamanism.

Great Spirit and Worldview

Among societies that have practised agriculture sometime in their history, many groups believe in a senior Great Spirit or Great Mystery (Wakan Tanka of the Dakota and Kitchi Manitou of the eastern Algonquians). In general, supernatural mystery or power is called Orenda by the Haudenosaunee, Wakan by the Dakota and Manitou by the Algonquian peoples, and is potentially beneficent, though it can be dangerous if treated carelessly or with disrespect. This mystery or power is a property of the spirits, but also belongs to the Transformer, Trickster, Culture Hero, or other spirit figures, as well as Shamans, prophets and ceremonial performers. The spirits of all living things are powerful and mysterious, as are many natural phenomena and ritually significant places. Ritual objects such as the calumet, rattles, drums, masks, medicine wheels, medicine bundles and ritual sanctuaries are filled with spiritual power.

Myths of the Star Husband, the Chain of Arrows or the Stretching Tree tell of contacts made between humans and the world beyond. Ceremonially, columns of smoke, central house posts or the central pole of the Sun Dance lodge represent such connections. Many groups tell of a primeval sea or world deluge. Northwest Coast peoples, such as the Kwakwaka’wakw, divide the year into two major seasons: the summer time and the winter time, in which most religious ceremonies take place. Agricultural societies such as the Haudenosaunee have more complex ceremonial calendars organized around the harvest times of various food plants, with a life-renewal ceremony usually held in midwinter.

A key concept among many societies is the notion of guardians. Among the Abenaki, for instance, Bear is considered one of six directional guardians (west), representing courage, physical strength and bravery. Among the Inuit, the sea goddess Sedna is the guardian of sea mammals and controls when stocks are available to be hunted. Shamans may visit Sedna and coax her into releasing the animals by righting previous wrongs, or presenting offerings.

Shamans

Shamans are the most notable of the multiple religious figures present in traditional Aboriginal religion. They function as healers, prophets, diviners and custodians of religious mythology, and are often the officiants at religious ceremonies. In some societies, all these functions are performed by the same person; in others, shamans are specialists. Healing practitioners may belong to various orders, such as the Midewiwin or Great Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, while other groups had secret or closed societies (Kwakwaka’wakw, Siksika). Members of such societies were not necessarily shamans, but did practice religious ceremonies and rituals.

The Ojibwa Midewiwin was a closed society containing four (sometimes eight) orders of men and women who could be consulted at any time of sickness or communal misfortune. Shamans were coordinators of the Sun Dance, which was also a world-renewal ceremony. Shamanic societies played an important role in the Winter Ceremony of the Kwakwaka’wakw, Nuu-chah-nulth and other Northwest Coast societies. Shamans were associated with powers generally thought to be beneficial to the community, but were believed in some cases to use their powers for sorcery. Shaman-prophets and diviners were concerned with predicting the outcome of the hunt, relocating lost objects and determining the root causes of communal discontent and ill will. Blackfoot, Cree, Ojibwa and other societies had diviners who made their prophecies (perhaps in trance states) in the dramatic Shaking Tent ceremony. Shamans in these societies were custodians of the sacred medicine bundles containing objects and materials endowed with great mystery and power. Innu shamans divined game trails by burning a caribou shoulder blade, then reading the cracks and fissures created by the fire.

Natural causes were recognized for many diseases, especially physically curable ones; others were commonly believed to be the result of intrusion into the body of objects placed there by sorcerers. The shaman-healer's treatment of such diseases was dictated by his guardian spirit, but usually consisted of the shaman ritually sucking the disease agent out of the body, brushing it off with a bird's wing, or drawing it out with dramatic gestures. Illness could also result from "spirit loss." The shaman-healer's action was then directed to recovering the patient's spirit (either the soul or guardian spirit power, or both) and reintroducing it to the body.

Guardian Spirit Quest

The Guardian Spirit Quest once occurred throughout most of the Aboriginal groups in Canada; it has undergone a revival in many communities, especially among the Coast Salish peoples. Males, especially at puberty but also at other times of life, make extended stays in remote areas while fasting, praying and purifying themselves by washing in streams and pools. The goal is to seek a vision of, or an actual encounter with, a guardian spirit — very frequently an animal, but possibly a mythological figure. Contact with a guardian spirit is believed to make an individual healthy, prosperous and successful, particularly in hunting and fishing.

The individual focus of the Guardian Spirit Quest is also present in the very common celebration of life events. Among these rituals are ceremonies at birth or the giving of a name, at puberty, marriage and death, all of which are normally accompanied by some solemnity. Life-event ceremonies, though individual, had some level of communal integration. For example, the 17th-century Wendat Feast of the Dead may have incorporated features of both seasonal and life-crisis rituals.

European Influence

Contact with European religious systems — through settlers, missionaries, church- and government-sponsored residential schools, and direct and indirect government policy — brought some type of change to all Aboriginal religious forms.

In areas where sustained contact occurred relatively early—in the 16th and 17th centuries—many Aboriginal peoples were baptized into Catholicism by French missionaries. The Mi’kmaq, for instance, began their conversion to subjects of the Vatican after the conversion of Grand Chief Membertou in 1610. Mi’kmaq religion incorporates many traditional aspects in fusion with Christianity, even the flag for the Mi’kmaq Grand Council features a large cross.

The adaptability of Christianity to Aboriginal spirituality is evident in the Huron Carol — a Christmas carol purportedly written for the Wendat by Jesuit missionary Jean de Brébeuf in the 17th century. The carol fuses Aboriginal imagery and mythology — including Kitchi Manitou — onto the Christian Nativity myth. Wise men bearing gifts become grand chiefs bearing pelts, and the manger becomes a lodge of birch bark. The stories of saints, and of Jesus, closely resembled the familiar Culture Heroes, and were readily adapted in many Aboriginal communities.

Intermarriage was a more literal merging of religious and spiritual traditions, and Métis religious practices typically combine traditional spirituality with either Protestant or Catholic customs. Some unique "syncretistic religions" combine traditional Aboriginal forms with European observances, such as the Shaker Religion of the Coast Salish area.

Adaptation was not always so smooth. While some peoples rejected early conversion attempts, generations of Aboriginal peoples in Canada suffered under destructive government policies such as residential schools and the outlawing of the potlatch and Sun Dance under the Indian Act in 1885. Some First Nation religions rejected European forms and turned to traditional spirituality to revive previous religious practices and beliefs (e.g., the Haudenosaunee Handsome Lake Religion). Other religious movements radically opposed European forms, such as the 19th-century Ghost Dance of the Dakota and other Plains Aboriginal communities. The divide between Christian and non-Christian Aboriginal peoples remains an issue of tension. In 2011, the Cree First Nation of Oujé-Bougoumou, headed by an all-Christian council, outlawed all expressions of Aboriginal spirituality, including sweat lodges, which prompted backlash and division within the community.

· religion

· Shaman

· Aboriginal

· ritual

Suggested Reading

· John W. Friesen, Aboriginal Spirituality and Biblical Theology: Closer Than You Think (2000); Michael B, Davies, Following the Great Spirit Exploring Aboriginal Belief Systems (2002); Laurence J. Kirmayer and Gail Guthrie Valaskakis, Healing Traditions: The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada (2009).

Links to other sites

· Native DrumsExtensive multimedia site about Aboriginal myths, legends, and stories. To search the site, click on “CARD” or "MediaBase” in the top right corner of the page.

· Aboriginal Intangible Property in Canada: An Ethnographic ReviewA detailed paper about traditional knowledge and cultural expressions found in various Aboriginal groups within Canadian territory. Includes useful definitions of key concepts and terminology. Click on the pointers at the top right corner to advance through the document. From the Industry Canada website.

· SpiritualityAn introduction to key components of Mi’kmaq spiritual beliefs. From the Mi’kmaq Association for Cultural Studies.

· Métis SpiritualityA brief overview of Métis spiritual practices from awchimo.ca.

· Origin StoriesA series of origin stories as told by members of various Aboriginal groups across the country. Click on the pointers at the bottom of the page to advance through this section. From the Canadian Museum of History.

· Understanding Aboriginal Arts in Canada TodayA paper that critiques Western views of Aboriginal heritage and culture. From the Canada Council for the Arts.

http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/religion-of-aboriginal-people/

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The East Boyz drum group from Eskasoni provide a song for dancers at the Eskasoni Powwow on Sunday afternoon. (TOM AYERS / Cape Breton Bureau)

Eskasoni powwow: 'Medicine for our people' | The Chronicle ...

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22 hours ago - Sun, July 5th, 2015 ... and for Doug Young, a 31-year-old fisherman whodied in a tragic boating accident last ... “We've had over 28 deaths in the past sixmonths. It's just too many.” ... “We want people to learn about the Mi'kmaq, so we'll have a better .... Four kids, five adults involved in crash near Kentville.

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SEND UP THE COUNT- links 2 help- urnotalone

“When you arise in the morning, think of what a precious privilege it is to be alive – to breathe, to think, to enjoy, to love”. – Marcus Aurelius

our troops..... the pain... the help lines....

Please share
pls share- Know some1 hurting? Sendupthe Count-WWW.MILNET.CA hashtag ?#?sendupthecount? nSOLDIERS4SOLDIERS 18553738387
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152989824131886&set=a.10152685943101886.1073741826.627936885&type=1&theater
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Is someone you know in a crisis or thinking about suicide? We can help.#VACServices http://ow.ly/D1QXa

BLOGGED:
CANADA MILITARY NEWS: Feb/Mar2014- Help Lines- SEND UP THE COUNT- PTSD/SUICIDE/WOUNDED/LOVED/MISSED- Help Lines/Videos/Blogs/Photos
http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2014/02/canada-military-news-febmar2014-send-up.html

and..

1. Veterans Affairs CA @VeteransENG_CA 1h
Getting help can be the difference between life and death-call 1-800-268-7708 to speak to a mental health professional
Expand
2. Anciens Combattants @VeteransFR_CA 1h
Demander de l’aide pour faire toute la différence. Parlez à un professionnel en santé mentale au 1-800-268-7708

AND..

rVETSMATTER-soldier2soldier VETS CANADA- tollfree phone line, 1-888¬CAVETS1 (1-888-228-3871) ¬call-in centre that serves the country http://thechronicleherald.ca/opinion/1182731-dunne-a-rescue-mission-for-troubled-vets …

AND..

Soldiers join forces to combat suicide and PTSD
'Send up the count' campaign encourages troops to stay in touch

By James Cudmore, CBC News Posted: Dec 12, 2013 5:11 PM ET Last Updated: Dec 13, 2013 10:14 AM ET
http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/soldiers-join-forces-to-combat-suicide-and-ptsd-1.2461855

AND..
CANADA- A new toll-free support line, 1-855-373-8387, was launched today, established for soldiers by other soldiers

Canadian Forces ?@CanadianForces 1h
Mental health care is available and recovery possible - listen to your fellow #CAF members tell their stories-http://ow.ly/vf9qS

blogged:
WELCOME 2 CANADA- Come 2 Canada Irish youth- EU Youth-live and work -study- we'd love 2 have u-COME GET UR CANADA ON
http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2014/03/welcome-2-canada-come-2-canada-irish.html

-
Canadian Forces @CanadianForces 1h
Mental health care is available and recovery possible - listen to your fellow #CAF members tell their stories-http://ow.ly/vf9qS

SEND UP THE COUNT
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152706405126886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387282.&type=3&theater

SOLDIERS OF SUICIDE
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152706407381886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387282.&type=3&theater

CANADIANS REMEMBER

https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152706408566886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387282.&type=3&theater

RED FRIDAYS CANADA- TILL THEY ALL COME HOME
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152703569316886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387792.&type=3&theater

HONOUR- OUR- TROOPS-
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152706406376886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387282.&type=3&theater

MONCTON PROUD-
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152704995466886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387426.&type=3&theater

CLARA'S BIG RIDE ACROSS CANADA 2 WAKE UP CANADIANS ON WIPING OUT STIGMA ON MENTAL HEALTH ISSUES- let's talk openly and often..... millions of teens, tweens, kids and youth are stepping up... as are millions and millions who put our troops at the forefront of 'we matter'
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152704991211886&set=pb.627936885.-2207520000.1404387426.&type=3&theater

AND...

#MilitaryMonday #Veterans #Women change your perception of what a #Veteran looks like @USArmy#SOT #SOV pic.twitter.com/Ujs23JMFdx

Don’t let Washington balance the budget on the backs of those who have served. #CutDebtNotVets

#MilitaryMonday #Veterans #Women change your perception of what a #Veteran looks like @USArmy#SOT #SOV pic.twitter.com/Ujs23JMFdx

Don’t let Washington balance the budget on the backs of those who have served. #CutDebtNotVets

AND..2011

6,000 American troops plus lost 2 suicide......

The Marines - Retired Marine walks 3400 Miles to raise Suicide In USA Military

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FTft5GbAGX4

AND...

"A Creed for a Comrade"--In honor of suicide prevention month USA- EVERY MONTH IS SUICIDE PREVENTION MONTH
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tzs5V9c_BJk

CANADA- MORE SERVICES-
Is someone you know in a crisis or thinking about suicide? We can help. #VACServiceshttp://ow.ly/D1QXa

USA-

VETERANS CRISIS LINE
Voice: (800) 273-8255, press 1
Online chat: veteranscrisisline.net
Text message: 838255
The Virginian-Pilot November 24, 2014

http://hamptonroads.com/2014/11/navy-store-guns-sailors-risk-suicide

AND....

AMERICAN VETERANS- when the money comes first and we all come last- says it straight and true- homeless, broken, hurting, suicides, wounded...
Hip-Hop - Veteran Theme Song - "WHY" Soldier Hard
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LiHPJ4Sz0NU

CANADA- MORE SERVICES-
Is someone you know in a crisis or thinking about suicide? We can help. #VACServiceshttp://ow.ly/D1QXa

USA-

VETERANS CRISIS LINE
Voice: (800) 273-8255, press 1
Online chat: veteranscrisisline.net
Text message: 838255
The Virginian-Pilot November 24, 2014

http://hamptonroads.com/2014/11/navy-store-guns-sailors-risk-suicide

AND....

AMERICAN VETERANS- when the money comes first and we all come last- says it straight and true- homeless, broken, hurting, suicides, wounded...
Hip-Hop - Veteran Theme Song - "WHY" Soldier Hard
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LiHPJ4Sz0NU

AND..

HUMOUR.... MIND U A FEW YEARS BACK... MILLIONS WATCHING THE BACKS OF OUR TROOPS WERE VERY ANGRY....

A Canadian female libertarian wrote a lot of letters to the Canadian government, complaining about the treatment of captive insurgents (terrorists) being held in Afghanistan National Correctional System facilities. She demanded a response to her letter. She received back the following reply:

National Defense Headquarters

M Gen George R. Pearkes Bldg.,

15 NT 101 Colonel By Drive Ottawa , ON

K1A 0K2

Canada Dear Concerned Citizen,

Thank you for your recent letter expressing your profound concern of treatment of the Taliban and Al Qaeda terrorists captured by Canadian Forces, who were subsequently transferred to the Afghanistan Government and are currently being held by Afghan officials in Afghanistan National Correctional System facilities. Our administration takes these matters seriously and your opinions were heard loud and clear here in Ottawa . You will be pleased to learn, thanks to the concerns of citizens like yourself, we are creating a new department here at the Department of National Defense, to be called 'Liberals Accept Responsibility for Killers' program, or L.A.R.K. for short.

In accordance with the guidelines of this new program, we have decided, on a trial basis, to divert several terrorists and place them in homes of concerned citizens such as yourself, around the country, under those citizen's personal care. Your personal detainee has been selected and is scheduled for transportation under heavily armed guard to your residence in Toronto next Monday.

Ali Mohammed Ahmed bin Mahmud is your detainee, and is to be cared for pursuant to the standards you personally demanded in your letter of complaint. You will be pleased to know that we will conduct weekly inspections to ensure that your standards of care for Ahmed are commensurate with your recommendations.

Although Ahmed is a sociopath and extremely violent, we hope that your sensitivity to what you described as his 'attitudinal problem' will help him overcome those character flaws. Perhaps you are correct in describing these problems as mere cultural differences. We understand that you plan to offer counseling and home schooling, however, we strongly recommend that you hire some assistant caretakers.

Please advise any Jewish friends, neighbors or relatives about your house guest, as he might get agitated or even violent, but we are sure you can reason with him. He is also expert at making a wide variety of explosive devices from common household products, so you may wish to keep those items locked up, unless in your opinion, this might offend him. Your adopted terrorist is extremely proficient in hand-to-hand combat and can extinguish human life with such simple items as a pencil or nail clippers. We advise that you do not ask him to demonstrate these skills either in your home or wherever you choose to take him while helping him adjust to life in our country.

Ahmed will not wish to interact with you or your daughters except sexually, since he views females as a form of property, thereby having no rights, including refusal of his sexual demands. This is a particularly sensitive subject for him.

You also should know that he has shown violent tendencies around women who fail to comply with the dress code that he will recommend as more appropriate attire. I'm sure you will come to enjoy the anonymity offered by the burka over time. Just remember that it is all part of 'respecting his culture and religious beliefs' as described in your letter.

You take good care of Ahmed and remember that we will try to have a counselor available to help you over any difficulties you encounter while Ahmed is adjusting to Canadian culture.

Thanks again for your concern. We truly appreciate it when folks like you keep us informed of the proper way to do our job and care for our fellow man. Good luck and God bless you.

Cordially,

Gordon O'Connor

Minister of National Defense
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THE LETTER- FROM A MOM IN NEWBRUNSWICK CANADA-

2007
Barbaric Taliban Behead 26, Display Bodies as Propaganda

CANADIANS ARE VERY SERIOUS ABOUT THEIR MILITARY, MILITIA, RESERVISTS AND RANGERS..... THE SILENT MAJORITY IS IN THE MILLIONS.... TAKE THESE 2 LETTERS FROM EVERYDAY FOLK.... when no politician gave a sheeeet outside petermackay..... imagine the monsters in beautiful cells with 3 hots and a cot and special ‘diet’... AND OUR Nato kids sleeping in the freezing cold without food water or a bath???

One Pissed off Canadian Housewife ON DEVOTION 2 OUR TROOPS... CANADA STYLE

This is very good PLEASE read....

Thought you might like to read this letter to the editor. Ever notice how some people just seem to know how to write a letter?

This one surely does!

This was written by a Canadian woman, but oh how

it also applies to the U.S.A., U.K. and Australia .

THIS ONE PACKS A FIRM PUNCH

Written by a housewife in New Brunswick , to

her local newspaper. This is one ticked off lady...

THE LETTER

"Are we fighting a war on terror or aren't we? Was

it or was it not, started by Islamic people who

brought it to our shores on September 11, 2001

and have continually threatened to do so since?

Were people from all over the world, not brutally murdered

that day, in downtown Manhattan , across the Potomac from

the capitol of the USA and in a field in Pennsylvania?

Did nearly three thousand men, women and children die a horrible, burning or crushing death that day, or didn't they?

Do you think I care about four U. S. Marines urinating on some dead Taliban insurgents?

And I'm supposed to care that a few Taliban were

claiming to be tortured by a justice system of a

nation they are fighting against in a brutal Insurgency.

I'll care about the Koran when the fanatics in the Middle

East, start caring about the Holy Bible, the mere belief

of which, is a crime punishable by beheading in Afghanistan .

I'll care when these thugs tell the world they are

sorry for hacking off Nick Berg's head, while Berg

screamed through his gurgling slashed throat.

I'll care when the cowardly so-called insurgents

in Afghanistan , come out and fight like men,

instead of disrespecting their own religion by

hiding in Mosques and behind women and children.

I'll care when the mindless zealots who blow

themselves up in search of Nirvana, care about the

innocent children within range of their suicide Bombs.

I'll care when the Canadian media stops pretending that

their freedom of Speech on stories, is more important than

the lives of the soldiers on the ground or their families waiting

at home, to hear about them when something happens.

In the meantime, when I hear a story about a

CANADIAN soldier roughing up an Insurgent

terrorist to obtain information, know this:

I don't care.

When I see a wounded terrorist get shot in the

head when he is told not to move because he

might be booby-trapped, you can take it to the bank:

I don't care. Shoot him again.

When I hear that a prisoner, who was issued a Koran and a prayer mat, and fed 'special' food, that is paid for by my tax dollars, is complaining that his holy book is being 'mishandled,' you can absolutely believe, in your heart of hearts:

I don't care.

And oh, by the way, I've noticed that sometimes

it's spelled 'Koran' and other times 'Quran.'

Well, Jimmy Crack Corn you guessed it.

I don't care!!

If you agree with this viewpoint, pass this on to

all your E-mail Friends. Sooner or later, it'll get to

the people responsible for this ridiculous behavior!

If you don't agree, then by all means hit the delete

button. Should you choose the latter, then please don't

complain when more atrocities committed by radical

Muslims happen here in our great Country! And may I add:

Some people spend an entire lifetime wondering, if

during their life on earth, they made a difference in

the world. But, the Soldiers don't have that problem.

I have another quote that I would like to

share AND...I hope you forward All this.

One last thought for the day:

Only five defining forces have ever offered to die for you:

1. Jesus Christ

2. The British Soldier.

3. The Canadian Soldier.

4. The US Soldier, and

5. The Australian Soldier

One died for your soul,

the other four, for you and your children's Freedom.

YOU MIGHT WANT TO PASS THIS ON,

AS MANY SEEM TO FORGET!
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VIDEO
Canada Pride

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aJqU5vNX440

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June 22, 2014

Canadian Forces In Afghanistan- FROM OUR MATTHEW WORTH OF CANADA MILITARY- WITH A SOLDIER'S EYE..... 2 videos- VIDEO 1

A tribute to Canada's 158 Fallen Soldiers, the thousands of wounded and injured soldiers and all of the Veterans of the Afghan mission.
* Canadian Forces In Afghanistan, This Generations War Ends - "Soldiers Eyes" *

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7CVvV24Fbs4
Published on 8 May 2014
"Two Part Video" Canadian Armed Forces In Afghanistan, 2001-2014. A tribute to Canada's 158 fallen soldiers, the thousands of wounded and injured soldiers and all us Veterans of the Afghan mission.

Audio/Music (1): "Soldiers Eyes" - Artist: Jack Savoretti

Audio/music (2): Easy Listening - The Temperature of the air on the bow of the Kaleetan - Artist: Chris Zabriske

COMMENT;

Very touching love ya Canada!!

Love; Germany

COMMENT:

God bless you guys, we'll never forget our northern allies. God bless.

COMMENT:
Amazing, god save the queen, and god bless this nation!

comment:

Beautifully made Matt! Kudos to you! My tears fall & my heart aches for all the soldiers we have lost in this war. My only consolation is that these soldiers are buried here, in our Country, unlike all the war dead of the First World War and many of the Second World War.

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THE MEANING OF TRUE PATRIOT LOVE FOUNDATION- Helping and understanding and raising the bar as Canadians 4 our troops...

True Patriot Love Honours Military Members and Their Families

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ysuRMMEQzrs

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talking mental health- CANADA STEPS UP...

blogged:

Clara Hughes CANADIAN OLYMPIAN- Finishes Bike Ride -July 3 update-from the mouths of the children- JUNE 26 UPDATE- CANADA DAY'S COMING-JULY 1- GET UR CANADA ON -4 CANADA OLYMPIAN CLARA HUGHES BIG RIDE 4 MENTAL HEALTH FOLKS- send her tweets of support and love- Hey it’s Canada –Mental Health matters. NEWS UPDATES-Teen/Youth/PTSD/Abuse/Bullying stuff /Our Olympian Clara's completes journey 4mentalheal-let's talk-July 1- Clara's in Ottawa CANADA DAY 2014/SEPT 24 NS RCMP- preventing violent encounters -respect homeless and psychiatric problems DO LIST
http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2014/03/students-and-youth-are-stepping-up.html

AND..

CANADA'S SOLDIERS.... our Jason shares the story.... Jason and Lise our Canadian Warriors 4 our vets... is extraordinary.... when he started this project.... the bullsheeeeet from the haters gonna hate, hate, hate... was evil.... so many of us... jumped up... and walked the talk..... 4 our troops who NOT die in Afghanistan... but died BECAUSE of Afghanistan... God bless our vet... Jason.... and Lise... still fighting the good fight... love u from old momma Nova...
Soldiers who died by suicide are remembered in Guelph

http://www.guelphmercury.com/news-story/5442307-soldiers-who-died-by-suicide-are-remembered-in-guelph/

TWO WOLVES- An old Cherokee chief was teaching his grandson about life…

“A fight is going on inside me,” he said to the boy.
“It is a terrible fight and it is between two wolves.

“One is evil – he is anger, envy, sorrow, regret, greed, arrogance, self-pity, guilt, resentment, inferiority, lies, false pride, superiority, self-doubt, and ego.

“The other is good – he is joy, peace, love, hope, serenity, humility, kindness, benevolence, empathy, generosity, truth, compassion, and faith.

“This same fight is going on inside you – and inside every other person, too.”

The grandson thought about it for a minute and then asked his grandfather,
“Which wolf will win?”

The old chief simply replied,
“The one you feed.”

CANADA'S TWO OFFICIAL LANGUAGES- FRENCH AND ENGLISH

Official Languages Act (1969)

· Official Languages Act (1969), federal statute that declares French and English to be the official languages of Canada, and under which all federal institutions must provide their services in English or French at the customer's choice.

Official Languages Act (1969)

Official Languages Act (1969), federal statute that declares French and English to be the official languages of Canada, and under which all federal institutions must provide their services in English or French at the customer's choice. The Act (passed following the recommendation of the Royal Commission on BILINGUALISM AND BICULTURALISM) created the office of Commissioner of Official Languages to oversee its implementation. Politically, the Act has been supported by all federal parties, but the public's understanding and acceptance of it has been mixed. In June 1987 the Conservative government introduced an amended Official Languages Act to promote official language minority rights.

· language

· English

· Act

· French

http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/official-languages-act-1969/

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Legislation- CANADA- WOMEN EQUAL MEN

Canada was among the first countries to sign CEDAW. The 1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms enshrines the principles of gender equality in employment, public life, and education in Part I, section 15. Section 28 of the Charter also reinforces the principle of gender equality (Baines 2005). These principles are also reflected in the Canadian Human Rights Act and the 1998 Multiculturalism Act, which introduced measures to protect and promote the rights of aboriginal women and foreigners.

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RELIGIONS AND WOMENS RIGHTS IN CANADA-

QUOTE: In addition, the Women's Convention does not provide for any religious or customary law exceptions to its commitment to gender equality. Indeed, the Article 2(f) enforcement provisions of the Convention place a positive obligation on States parties to “modify or abolish existing laws…, customs, and practices which constitute discrimination against women.” Moreover, the Article 3 obligation that States parties take “all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women” precludes a cultural or religious defence for discriminatory familial practices that hinder this development.

Research Report

Polygyny and Canada's Obligations under International Human Rights Law

September 2006

· Previous Page

· Table of Contents

· Next Page

IV. ARGUABLE LIMITS ON WOMEN'S RIGHTS

In addressing polygyny, it may be argued by some that prohibiting the practice may deny men, women and children of the following rights:

A. The Right to Freedom of Religion and Right to Non‑discrimination on Grounds of Religion/Ethnicity

One argument consistently raised against prohibiting or restricting polygyny is that such measures violate the right to freedom of religion. Some commentators have argued, for example, that the right to manifest one's religion or belief as protected under the Universal Declaration, the Political Covenant, and the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Religious Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (Declaration on Religious Intolerance)[275] includes the right to observe and apply religious law through religious tribunals in both public and private life.[276] Such arguments are often informed by the fact that some interpretations of a number of belief systems, including Islam, maintain that the observance of religious law is integral to religious practice.[277]

While such arguments are important to consider in the context of polygyny, given that many interpretations of Islamic family law as well as Fundamentalist Mormon teachings permit the practice, there are several reasons why this argument is at best tenuous under international law. Article 18 of the Political Covenant, for example, protects the right to religious freedom, including the freedom:

to have or adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom… to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teachings… .

There is no indication, however, from the text itself or the HRC General Comment on the Article that this includes a right to be governed by religious law in familial matters.[278] That is, the right to religious freedom does not allow personal status or customary law to trump secular law in family matters. Indeed, the Declaration on Religious Intolerance does not include a freedom to be governed by religious law amongst the many protected religious practices it lists.[279]

In addition, the Women's Convention does not provide for any religious or customary law exceptions to its commitment to gender equality. Indeed, the Article 2(f) enforcement provisions of the Convention place a positive obligation on States parties to “modify or abolish existing laws…, customs, and practices which constitute discrimination against women.” Moreover, the Article 3 obligation that States parties take “all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women” precludes a cultural or religious defence for discriminatory familial practices that hinder this development.

Even if there were a right to be governed by familial religious law, the Political Covenant does not extend its religious freedom protection to those practices that violate the rights of others. Article 18(3) expressly permits legislative limits on freedom of religion where “necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.” In Sing Binder v. Canada, for example, the HRC held that the Article 18 religious freedoms of a Sikh author whose religion obliged him to wear a turban could be justifiably restricted by a law that required federal workers to wear safety headgear (a “hard hat”). Here, the legislative aim was to protect federal workers from injury and thus was “regarded as reasonable and directed towards objective purposes that are compatible with the Covenant.”[280] The health harms associated with polygyny may raise precisely such reasonable purposes for prohibiting its practice.

Even more on point, the HRC, in its General Comment 22, noted that in limiting religious practices:

States parties should proceed from the need to protect the rights guaranteed under the Covenant, including the right to equality and non-discrimination under the Covenant, including the right to equality and non-discrimination on all grounds specified in articles 2, 3, and 26.”[281]

Given that the HRC itself has found that polygamy violates these equality guarantees, international law clearly sanctions domestic legislation that prohibits its practice in order to protect the rights, health and safety of women and children.[282]

The Mauritius Supreme Court applied precisely this reasoning in Bhewa v. Government of Mauritius where it interpreted the national Constitution's religious freedom guarantee in conjunction with the Political Covenant's requirement that women have equal rights within marriage.[283] In doing so, the Court denied a Muslim community the right to apply personal Islamic law governing marriage, divorce, and inheritance. The Court noted the important balance between:

…the duality of religion and state in a secular system. The secular state is not anti-religious but recognizes freedom of religion in the sphere that belongs to it. As between the state and religion each has its own sphere, the former, that of law-making for the public good and the latter that of religious teaching, observance and practice. To the extent that it is sought to give to religious principles and commandments the force and character of law, religion steps out of its own sphere and encroaches on that of law-making in the sense that it is made to coerce the state into enacting religious principles and commandments into law….[284]

Given this balancing between the duality of State and religion within a secular system, the Court dismissed the plaintiff's claim that the freedom to practise their religion required the Mauritian government to impose Islamic rules concerning marriage. In addition, the Court noted that even if one construed religious freedom in the manner argued by the plaintiff, the Mauritius Constitution's exceptions to religious freedom (the same as those noted above in the Political Covenant Article 18(3)) required the country to prohibit polygyny. As a signatory to the Political Covenant, the Court noted that the Article 23(4) marital equality requirement, in addition to Articles 2(1) and (2), 3, 24, and 26 all obligate Mauritius to ensure:

the maintenance of monogamy, including measures designed to safeguard the family and to ensure the largest measure of non-discrimination against women, whether as wives or daughters…[285]

Within the Canadian context, a similar judicial recognition of the boundary between individual religious freedom and the State within a secular system is evident in Kaddoura v. Hammoud.[286] There, the Ontario Court of Justice (General Division) was deciding whether a wife would be able to recover the mahr (a gift or contribution promised by a Muslim husband-to-be to his wife‑to‑be in the event of the dissolution of their marriage) upon her divorce.[287] In rejecting the wife's claim, the Court noted that “the obligation of the Mahr is a religious obligation and should not be viewed as an obligation that is justiciable in the civil courts of Ontario.”[288] In this sense, the Court recognized that the State would not act as a positive agent to enforce religiously-based duties. It noted that:

because Mahr is a religious matter, the resolution of any dispute relating to it or the consequences of failing to honour the obligation are also religious in their content and context… They bind the conscience as a matter of religious principle but not necessarily as a matter of enforceable civil law.[289]

This reasoning can similarly be applied to cases where petitioners are seeking to be governed by religious family law that permits polygyny. Secular states should not positively recognize or apply religious laws that permit the practice, particularly when it undermines the rights and freedoms of others.

Moreover, United States' jurisprudence on Mormon polygyny, most notably Reynolds v. United States,[290] has clearly recognized that although state law cannot interfere with religious belief, it may intervene where religious practices undermine the rights of others. In Reynolds, the Supreme Court noted that while laws:

cannot interfere with mere religious belief and opinions, they may with practices. Suppose one believed that human sacrifices were a necessary part of religious worship, would it be seriously contended that the civil government under which he lived could not interfere to prevent a sacrifice? Or if a wife religiously believed it was her duty to burn herself upon the funeral pile of her dead husband, would it be beyond the power of the civil government to prevent her carrying her belief into practice?[291]

As Deller Ross has noted, the important belief-practice distinction drawn by the United States Supreme Court has resonated in other domestic court decisions on polygyny.[292] In each of the two cases where the Bombay High Court in India upheld local statutes prohibiting Hindu polygyny (before national law prohibited it), for example, it cited the belief-practice distinction drawn by the U.S. Supreme Court.[293]

B. The Right to Enjoy One's Culture

Beyond religious freedom arguments, some proponents of polygyny also claim that the practice is integral to the right to enjoy one's culture.[294] They may point to the Economic Covenant's preamble, which states that:

in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his … cultural rights….

While it is clear that international law recognizes a right to enjoy one's culture, this right does not encompass practices that violate the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. Accordingly, Article 4 of the Economic Covenant observes that the rights proclaimed therein can be legislatively limited by States parties for “the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society.” The elimination of cultural practices that undermine the rights and dignity of women and children is well within this purview of “general welfare.” Moreover, Article 3 of the Covenant requires that States parties “undertake to ensure the equal right of men and women to the enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights.” Prohibiting cultural practices such as polygyny that undermine women's equality, dignity, health, and economic well-being is part of the important balancing of rights that states must undertake.

In addition to the Economic Covenant, a measured balance between minority cultural freedoms and individual rights protection is also evident in the Political Covenant. Article 27 of the Political Covenant guarantees some cultural rights for minorities by requiring that they “not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture…” While this clause would not apply to the cultural norms of the majority group (for example, where polygyny is practised as part of the majority culture),[295] it does on its face provide a negative right for minority groups within a state such as Canada to enjoy their culture. When the provision is read within the context of the remainder of the Covenant, however, it is clear that this right does not include harmful cultural practices such as polygyny. Firstly, Article 23(4) requires States parties to “ensure equality of rights and responsibilities of spouses as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution…” This equal rights and responsibilities mandate cannot be achieved where unequal marital practices such as polygyny are legally permitted or condoned. In addition, Article 2, which guarantees that the rights in the Covenant be recognized “without distinction of any kind, such as… sex…,” along with Article 3, which requires states to ensure the “equal right of men and women to the enjoyment of all civil and political rights set forth in the Covenant,” establish gender equality as fundamental to the Covenant.

To this end, the HRC has stated that the minority cultural rights articulated in Article 27 “do not authorize any State, group or person to violate the right to the equal enjoyment by women of any Covenant rights.”[296] Clearly, as Courtney Howland's analysis indicates, practices that constitute and encourage familial inequality deprive women of some of their core civil and political rights as guaranteed in the Political Covenant and thus are justifiably limited by domestic legislation. Thus, while the HRC accepted a cultural rights argument in Lovelace, namely that Ms. Lovelace's right to her Aboriginal culture had been violated by discriminatory marriage provisions in the Indian Act, it did so within a context where the right to culture coincided with the right to gender equality. Nothing in the Lovelace decision indicates that a free-standing right to culture could trump gender equality norms.

Building on the Economic and Political Covenants, the Women's Convention not only permits the legislative restriction or elimination of gender-discriminatory cultural practices, but in fact requires it. Article 2(f) obliges States parties to:

take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to modify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women.

Given that CEDAW has characterized polygyny as a gender-discriminatory practice, the Women's Convention not only precludes cultural arguments that justify the practice, but imposes a positive obligation on States parties to abolish it.

Similarly, Article 5(a) calls on States parties to take all appropriate measures:

to modify the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women, with a view to achieving the elimination of prejudices and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women.

Here, the Women's Convention strives to ensure that practices such as polygyny that are often based on reproductive stereotypes and the perceived inferiority of women are not legally justified through cultural or customary norms.

Finally, a reliance on cultural arguments to legally justify polygyny fails to account for the positive duty Article 3 of the Women's Convention places on States parties to “ensure the full development and advancement of women.” To this end, States parties shall:

take in all fields, in particular in the political, social, economic and cultural fields, all appropriate measures, including legislation, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the exercise and enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms on a basis of equality with men.

The “development and advancement of women” cannot be ensured where harmful and discriminatory practices are perpetuated in the name of culture. In fact, Article 3's reference to “cultural fields” makes clear that far from being immune, the cultural realm is in fact a central part of States parties' obligations to guarantee women's equality.

C. The Right to Respect for One's Private and Family Life

Another argument raised against the prohibition of polygyny, and particularly against immigration policies that prohibit the entry of multiple wives, is that they violate the right to respect for one's private and family life. Where polygynous unions are unrecognized in the country to which one immigrates,[297] or subsequent wives are prohibited from entering a country,[298] all of the persons involved in that union, including the husband, his wives and their children could argue that their right to family life has been unjustifiably violated.

This right to family life, it has been argued by some commentators, now forms part of an international legal norm against involuntary family separation. Starr and Brilmayer contend that the individual right to privacy, the right to marry, children's rights, parental rights and provisions that protect the family as an institution cumulatively account for such a norm.[299]

In Bibi v. The United Kingdom, the European Commission of Human Rights addressed this issue of involuntary family separation in a case brought by the child of a Bangladeshi polygynous wife.[300] The petitioner claimed that her Article 8(1) right to respect of family life under the European Convention had been violated by United Kingdom immigration legislation that prohibited the entry of more than one spouse per immigrant.[301] In that case, the claimant's father had already brought his second wife to the U.K. along with his children, thus separating them from their mother, who was forced to remain in Bangladesh. While the Commission found that the claimant's Article 8(1) right had been interfered with, it held that the U.K. legislation was justified to preserve a Christian-based monogamous definition of marriage as part of the “protection of morals” exception under Article 8(2) of the Convention.[302]

In reaching this decision, the Commission missed an important opportunity to undertake a rights analysis of polygyny within the immigration context, especially given that one of the exceptions under Article 8(2) is legislation necessary “for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.” In such an analysis, the Commission arguably should have considered the rights violations associated with polygyny and the ensuing public policy basis for excluding such families in an attempt to discourage the practice on the one hand, and the rights violations associated with involuntary family separation on the other. Despite the Court's weak reasoning, the case nevertheless remains significant in highlighting one of the most difficult transitional scenarios that both international and domestic law must consider.

Indeed, the immediate consequence for this applicant and her mother was that they would remain separated (unless the claimant moved to Bangladesh). Particularly where states such as the United Kingdom or Canada prohibit the entry of multiple spouses because of their own domestic prohibition of the practice,[303] there is a concern that husbands will choose to bring their more favoured, often younger second wife, leaving the first wife vulnerable and isolated within her home country.[304] Some commentators, including Prakash A. Shah, argue that exclusionary immigration policies ignore the extreme vulnerability wives that are left in their homeland face.[305] The remaining wife is often left without any legal recourse to ensure support from her husband. Moreover, even if a remaining wife receives a judgement for spousal support in her home country, her ability to enforce this judgement will depend on whether her home country and her husband's new country of domicile reciprocally enforce each other's judgements. Finally, given the economic challenges many polygynous wives face, their poverty may prevent them from being able to access courts to receive or enforce a judgement for spousal support.

The transitional difficulties that such immigration policies raise should be contrasted, however, with the even greater vulnerabilities that an ‘open-door' policy to polygynous families can create. This is perhaps most evident in the formerly decades-long French policy of legally recognizing and permitting the immigration of foreign polygynous families provided that the marriages were valid in the original jurisdiction.[306] While polygamous marriages could not be lawfully performed in France, the recognition and immigration scheme was motivated by a postwar need for immigrant labour. The policy permitted male immigrants to bring multiple wives into the country on long-term spouse visas.[307] With mainly West Africans taking advantage of the policy, and to a lesser extent Algerians and Moroccans,[308] there were by the 1990s more than 200 000 people living in polygynous families in France. These families became concentrated in enclaves and poorer Parisian suburbs, where, as of the early 2000s, they still made up the majority of some communities.[309]

The shortcomings of such a policy became apparent in the 1980s and early 1990s as African women's advocacy groups within France began organizing to challenge the poor living conditions of polygynous wives.[310] Many of the concerns raised echo those outlined in this report, including harmful co-wife competition, spousal neglect, and coercion into marriage at a young age. Moreover, privacy harms were particularly aggravated in the French setting where accommodation expenses meant that separate living arrangements were not economically feasible for the vast majority of polygynous families.[311] Compounding the psychological, emotional and health harms suffered by polygynous wives was the animosity multiple wives and their children often endured as a result of the broader French populace's repugnancy toward the practice.[312] In addition, second and third polygynous wives at times had difficulty accessing public health care and social security benefits despite having proper residence and working papers. As a result of these cumulative harms, some African women's advocacy groups began to lobby the government to discourage the practice by reforming its immigration policy.[313]

The ensuing French legislative response failed, however, to protect those polygynous families already living in France. Rather than addressing the transitional concerns that emerged as France rightfully moved to discourage a harmful practice, the government tried to retroactively eliminate polygyny even though it was responsible for originally permitting and even encouraging the immigration of such families. The loi Pasqua (named after the then-Interior Minister Charles Pasqua) passed in 1993 changed immigration policy so that only one spouse per immigrant would be issued working papers and a spousal visa.[314] The deeply troubling aspect of the legislation, however, was its retroactive nature.

Instead of applying the loi Pasqua only to new immigrants, the law was applied retroactively to polygynous families already living in France. This meant that unless multiple spouses divorced one another and physically separated their households (which the vast majority could not afford to do), they would lose their residence and working papers, social benefits and be subject to deportation.[315] The severity of the policy was mitigated only by the fact that French law does not permit the deportation of parents whose children are born in France.[316] A circular issued in 2000 further added to the inequity of the legislation by formalizing a policy of not applying the retroactive provisions to the first wife, but only to subsequent wives. This made the position of subsequent wives even more precarious. Given that polygynous families in France and elsewhere are often impoverished, the retroactive denial of social benefits for second wives was particularly devastating.[317] Moreover, despite recent government initiatives to relax the legislation by lowering the standards for polygynous spouses to obtain work permits, for example, “these measures will not eliminate the damage.”[318]

It is clear, therefore, that the prohibition of polygyny calls for a careful balancing of rights and interests during transitional stages in order to protect vulnerable members of polygynous families. The retroactive nature of French legislation failed to protect spouses by forcing many to submit to living and working illegally (as “sans-papiers”).[319] Indeed, a Ministry of the Interior's April 2000 circular supporting these retroactive provisions cited “consistent” holdings of the Conseil d'État that polygamous families were not covered by the Article 8 European Convention on Human Rights protection of private and family life.[320] These holdings are clearly refuted by the European Commission of Human Right's above finding in Bibi that the claimant's Article 8 right to family life had indeed been interfered with (although this was ultimately justified).[321] It is clear that European human rights jurisprudence considers polygamous families to have a right to private and family life. Given this, it is incumbent upon states such as France to provide a level of protection to such families where they exist—something that the loi Pasqua failed to do.

Yet in arguing that France's enforcement of the loi Pasqua violates international legal norms against involuntary family separation, commentators like Starr and Brilmayer have been careful to focus on the law's retroactive nature. They are clear that this claim:

should not be understood to mean that French law may not make any distinctions between polygamous and monogamous marriages, nor that France must authorize the performance of polygamous marriages.[322]

Rather, Starr and Brilmayer distinguish between laws that limit certain types of family formation and those that require retroactive family separation. Thus, while international law clearly prohibits states from limiting the formation of certain types of families (inter-racial marriages, for example),[323] it does not require states to allow the formation of polygynous unions. In fact, it calls on them to eliminate the practice. Although there is less international consensus about the most suitable means to achieve this goal, given precisely the type of transitional challenges that France has faced, there is nevertheless considerable agreement that polygyny violates women's right to be free from all forms of discrimination.

Most states recognize the difference between proactive and retroactive exclusion. In fact the proactive exclusion of multiple spouses even where their marriages were validly performed abroad is the norm among many Western states including now France, the United States, and Canada. While international law prohibits racially-discriminatory immigration policies, commentators have noted that no such prohibition applies with regard to polygynous families.[324]

Significantly, CEDAW has not made any statements as to whether countries should distinguish between monogamous and polygynous unions for immigration purposes. The transitional concerns surrounding involuntary family separation and the particular vulnerability faced by those wives forced to remain in their homeland may explain why consensus around immigration policy is more fractured. Despite the lack of agreement on these difficult transitional issues, this should not blur the strong consensus among treaty bodies, nation states, and international law generally that polygyny is a violation of women's right to be free from all forms of discrimination and thus should not be encouraged by national laws that permit or recognize its performance within their jurisdiction.

http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/other-autre/poly/chap4.html

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BLOGSPOT:

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: Oct30/2014- O Canada/Sir Elton adores POPE FRANCIS/- don't immigrate if u don't like gays/women having equal rights/Abortion is legal 1988/Same Gender Love legal since 1969/and basically- if u F**K WITH OUR TROOPS OR OUR KIDS WE'LL DESTROY U... other than that... we are young, beautiful, educated, free and savvy- No. 19th on gender equality in the world- and we love hockey.... and keeping the innocence of our kids... don't immigrate if u don't or won't tolerate the above.... just don't- over a billion want 2 come, visit move 2 Canada...If u hate gays women rtroops n kids just find another hole... and we love our formal true and pure decent religions... SIR ELTON PRAISES POPE FRANCIS... tons of old blogs... troops /protest with honour and respect of communities- NEVER HIDE UR FACE- honour ur cause/NEDA /Stephen Colbert honours Canada in his own way

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#1BRising- UNITED NATIONS- THE GREATEST SPEECH NEVER SHARED BY CANADA FOREIGN MINISTER JOHN BAIRD...

The greatest speech 4 women in the heart of United Nations.... reminding the global nations of why United Nations was formed on the ashes of the Jewish Holocaust and the League of Nations.... that women matter... girls matter.... reminding the birthplace of humanity- UNITED NATIONS ITSELF... that women and girls are equal..... the greatest speech.... NEVER SHARED GLOBALLY... EXCEPT 2 ONE BILLION RISING... who cried over each and every word... and old women like us... who wear and bear the scars in the good fight of equality and human dignity and basic rights and freedoms and that education 4 each and all is the greatest tool we can give and inspire our global children...

John Baird’s speech to the United Nations General Assembly

macleans.ca

September 30, 2013

Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird addressed the 68th Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 30, 2013 in New York City. Here is a copy of his speech, for the record:

As we gather near Ground Zero, site of the World Trade Center mass murder, I wish first to honour the victims of terrorism:

I honour all victims, everywhere, including those killed and wounded at the Westgate Shopping Mall in Nairobi.

Tragically, we lost two Canadians, including a Canadian diplomat.

There is no more fitting venue to honour the life of Annemarie Desloges and her service than right here, in front of these United Nations.

The crime of terror is an assault on all people.

And, in its wake, the human family is one.

One in pain. One in mourning. One in our resolve that evil will never triumph.

At this moment of grief, the oneness of humankind is the theme of my remarks today.

Allow me to begin with an observation drawn from the Canadian experience.

The Province of Newfoundland and Labrador was the last province to join Canada, but it is the site of the earliest known European settlement in the New World. L’Anse aux Meadows is more than a thousand years old.

We consider the province’s capital city, St. John’s, to be the oldest English settlement in North America, dating back to 1497.

The early Newfoundland settlements are the subject of significant archeological activity. Among the artifacts commonly found is a three-handled drinking mug, known as a “tyg.”

The three handles are designed for sharing. During the 17th century, it was common to share eating and drinking utensils.

Further research reveals the tyg mug is not unique to Canadian and English history. On the contrary, cups with three or more handles are common to many of the world’s cultures. Indeed, nearly three millennia ago, Homer wrote in the Iliad of a multi-handled mug.

The tyg and its many counterparts around the world are tangible reminders not just that eating and drinking are social activities but that, as long as human beings have inhabited this planet, sustenance and the necessaries of life have been community endeavours.

Human beings share from necessity. We cooperate to survive. We form communities because that is our natural state.

As Cicero observed, “We were born to unite with our fellow men, and to join in community with the human race.”

Animated by the same spirit of community, the Charter of the United Nations declares that our goals include “to live together,” to be “neighbours,” and “to unite.”

The very first words of the UN Charter make clear that this organization is a body of, by and for human beings.

It begins, “We the peoples of the United Nations.”

Not “We the countries.”

Or “We the governments.”

Not “We the political leaders.”

“We the peoples.”

An important reminder of why and on whose behalf we are here.

Here at the UN, Canada targets its efforts on securing tangible results for the human family. It is much more important to consider what the United Nations is achieving than how the UN arranges its affairs.

Canada’s government doesn’t seek to have our values or our principled foreign policy validated by elites who would rather “go along to get along.”

The billions who are hungry, or lack access to clean water, or are displaced or cannot read and write do not care how many members sit on the Security Council. But they do need to know that their brothers and sisters in humankind will walk with them through the darkness.

Peace, prosperity and freedom—these are indeed the conditions that have been sought by human communities from the beginning of recorded time: To live in peace. To live in prosperity. To live in freedom.

Of these priorities, peace is the foremost objective of the United Nations.

It is no surprise that the UN Charter mentions the word “peace” four dozen times.

Sadly, “peace” the word is easier to locate than “peace” the condition.

Since the moment this organization was created, not a day has passed without the human family being pained by war somewhere on this planet.

Almost always, the suffering is felt by the most vulnerable among us.

And, far too often, this involves women and violence.

In the context of war, rape and serious sexual violence are war crimes. I have met girls who were victims of this very war crime, and their stories are horrific. The war criminals involved must be identified, pursued, prosecuted and punished.

Earlier this year, Canada and other G-8 nations agreed to treat sexual violence in conflict as a violation of the Geneva Conventions. I applaud the United Kingdom and U.K. Foreign Secretary William Hague for their work in this area. But he would be the first to acknowledge that the fight to eradicate this crime has been led by women, including Special Representative [of the UN Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict] Zainab Hawa Bangura.

Every year, millions of girls, some as young as age nine, are forced into marriage.

Since I began these remarks, 100 children have been forced into marriage; 1,100 per hour; more than 26,000 per day.

The effects of early forced marriage are documented and beyond dispute. Early forced marriage harms health, halts education, destroys opportunity and enslaves young women in a life of poverty.

A young woman once recounted her wedding date. She remembered, “It was the day I left school.”

No country is immune from this scourge.

This is a global problem. A problem for humanity.

Forced marriage is rape; it is violence against women. Early forced marriage is child rape, violence against young girls. The practice is abhorrent and indefensible.

We condemn it.

Even though some might prefer that we kept quiet.

The discomfort of the audience is of small concern, particularly in the context of a crime that calls to heaven for justice.

If this body does not act to protect young girls, who will?

Another way to protect the vulnerable is to improve the health of mothers, newborns and children so that we can reduce the number of deaths.

I am proud that our Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, has led a global effort—the Muskoka Initiative—to reduce maternal and infant mortality and to improve the health of mothers and children in the world’s poorest countries. It’s about half of the world’s population; all of its potential.

While these efforts—to eradicate sexual violence in conflict, to eliminate early forced marriage and to improve maternal and newborn health—are essential, we must do more than react to crises.

We must invest in opportunities for women and girls.

We must ensure that women participate fully in all parts of our society and in all the countries of these United Nations. This will help us build a stronger, more secure, more prosperous and more peaceful world.

It is in every nation’s self-interest to ensure every young girl realizes her full potential.

And it is from the perspective of the human family, one family, that we must address other threats to peace and security.

Among the most urgent crises remains the violence in Syria.

Canada’s position is clear. We support the Syrian people, the innocent people caught up in this senseless violence, and those who work on their behalf. We will never support a brutal and illegitimate regime that has unleashed weapons of mass destruction on its own people. Nor will we tolerate extremism and terrorism as alternatives to Assad’s tyranny.

The people of Canada have been generous in helping those most in need.

When success is achieved, it is important to recognize it. The near-impossible work of the UN World Food Programme must be applauded, and Canada has responded by being the second-largest single-country donor in the world. Their work in Syria is paramount and has not gone unnoticed. I also commend the work of the UNHCR [United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees] in providing assistance to the refugees fleeing this terrible conflict, and the generosity of Syria’s neighbours in providing safe haven.

Canada joins the entire world in seeking a political resolution to the conflict. Canada supports a peaceful, democratic and pluralistic Syria that protects the rights of all communities.

But let us not confuse a peaceful, negotiated outcome with equivocation or moral uncertainty. There can be no moral ambiguity about the use of chemical weapons on civilians.

Today, September 30, is a dark reminder of the price of accommodation with evil.

It is the 75th anniversary of the Munich Agreement, by which Czechoslovakia’s freedom was sacrificed to appease the Nazi regime. The appeasers claimed they had won “peace for our time.” In fact, their abandoning of principle was a calamity for the world.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Elie Wiesel, a Holocaust survivor who was imprisoned in Auschwitz, has been even more blunt:

“Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant.”

Just as we are not neutral or silent on the crimes being committed against the Syrian people, neither is Canada neutral on Israel’s right to exist and to defend itself.

There can be no bargaining over Israel’s existence. While dialogue is a virtue, there can be no virtuous discussion with anyone wedded to Israel’s destruction.

Today, the Jewish people are masters of their own fate, like other nations, in their own sovereign Jewish state. Like other nations, Israel has the right to defend itself, by itself.

Canada fundamentally believes peace is achievable. That Palestinians and Israelis and their neighbours can live side by side, in peace and security.

We, like many nations, wish to see a prosperous Palestinian state living in peace with its Jewish neighbour.

That’s why, although we sometimes have fundamental differences on how statehood is achieved, Canada is providing significant assistance to build the institutions that are vital to the establishment of a viable future state. In the West Bank, Canada is contributing greatly to economic, security and justice initiatives.

Recent developments in negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority are encouraging. I salute the leadership and courage of the Israeli Prime Minister [Benjamin Netanyahu] and the Palestinian Authority’s President [Mahmoud Abbas].

I commend U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry for his leadership in this area, and we must all commit ourselves to this cause, united by the prospect of peace.

I look forward to the day when Israeli and Palestinian children can live side by side in peace and security in a Jewish and a Palestinian state.

Ladies and gentlemen, dialogue is important, yes. But our dialogue must be a prelude to action. And action must mean achieving results and making a difference.

Take the recent statements coming from the regime in Iran.

Some observers see encouraging signs, but sound bites do not remove threats to global security. Kind words, a smile and a charm offensive are not a substitute for real action.

We will welcome and acknowledge reform, if and when it comes.

By this we will know when genuine reform has occurred: Has there been real, measurable, material improvement in the lives of the Iranian people and in the security of the world?

Not yet!

We will judge the regime on the basis of its action and results.

The P5+1 [the five permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany] has had five rounds of formal negotiations with Iran in the past two years. While everyone says the meetings have been “productive,” the fact remains we haven’t seen any change in Iran’s actions.

Next year, nothing would make Canada more pleased than to see a change in Iran’s nuclear ambitions. A change to its terrible human rights record. And an end to Iran’s material support for terrorism.

Now is the time for the global community to maintain tough sanctions against Iran in order that it take a different path on its nuclear program.

The Iranian people want peace. And the Iranian people are suffering great hardship because of their government.

Canada wants the Iranian people to be able to access a life of freedom and prosperity for themselves.

And how do we as a human family achieve and maintain prosperity?

Through free trade among open societies operating under transparent, consistent and fair rules.

Canada continues to diversify its markets because it is a trading nation.

We are aggressively pursuing free trade agreements with other nations.

Bounded by three oceans, with the second-largest land mass in the world, Canada literally is open to the world.

We are both deepening existing economic relationships and building new ones. Whether with China, now Canada’s second-largest trading partner, or the ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] countries, where Canadian trade and investment ties are dramatically increasing, or the Pacific Alliance, which provides new and exciting opportunities, or the European Union, where we are negotiating a comprehensive free trade agreement, Canada and Canadians are supporting market liberalization. In the process, ordinary lives are becoming enriched, and entire societies are becoming stronger.

But the quest for prosperity must never come at the expense of our commitment to freedom.

Prosperity is also inextricably linked to peace. After all, those who lack security usually lack the means to provide for themselves and their families.

With economic opportunity, a fruit vendor in Tunisia may not have felt compelled to end his life seeking the dignity to provide for his family.

A young man in Afghanistan may never feel compelled to join terrorist elements simply to raise his children—to ensure their lives are better than the one he lived.

I will always remember the seven-year old girl I met at Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan. Her parents had made the difficult decision to leave their home and to seek refuge in another country—braving hardship because they were motivated, like all parents, by the desire to keep their family safe.

I asked how she was doing. With tears in her eyes, she said, simply, “I don’t like it here. I want to go home.”

Heart-wrenching.

And millions of people are in the same tragic position—millions of members of the human family who cannot even begin to contemplate prosperity until a more basic need, their need for security, is addressed.

The global family will never achieve the prosperity that is our full potential unless we address the peace and security concerns that shackle human opportunity.

Everyone has an interest in contributing to the solution, because peace and security ultimately ensure the freedom of the individual. That’s why we need the people of these United Nations gathered here to promote this freedom.

For the people of these United Nations, no minority is more sacred than the individual, and the freedom of the individual.

Freedom from oppression. Freedom from discrimination. Freedom to worship, to think, to speak, to love, to believe. Freedom to be.

Human freedom can be exercised, and sadly limited, in countless ways.

Religious persecution continues in too many places.

Since we gathered here last year, the world has witnessed:

· bombings of mosques in Iraq and Pakistan and a Catholic church in Tanzania;

· attacks against Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim places of worship in Burma and Bangladesh;

· the bloody persecution of Christians in Syria;

· attacks on Coptic Christian churches in Egypt;

· attacks on a mosque and on a Catholic church in Sri Lanka;

· the detention of Sri Lankan Muslim leader Azad Sally;

· the murders of Catholic worshippers in Nigeria; and

· the Iranian regime’s ongoing persecution of the Bahá’í.

Canada just this year opened an Office of Religious Freedom. Its mandate: to promote freedom of religion and belief as a foreign policy priority. To combat the enslavement into fear, by those who seek to intimidate and undermine the right to worship freely. In peace—and in harmony.

We reject the pernicious notion that human dignity can be sliced up, compartmentalized or compromised.

In a pluralistic society it is impossible to protect some human rights and freedoms while infringing others.

All freedoms are rooted in the inherent dignity of human beings.

Whether the issue is religious freedom, sexual freedom, political freedom or any other freedom, some people ask:

What business is it of ours? What interest do we have in events outside our borders?

Our business is a shared humanity. Our interest is the dignity of humankind.

Many assaults on human dignity have common roots. I refer to neo-fascist ideology, masquerading in different forms, and the threat that it poses to individual freedom.

I spoke earlier of the anniversary of the Munich Agreement.

What the signatories claimed as a triumph of practical politics was in fact a craven capitulation that betrayed human dignity and bankrupted the peace it purported to secure.

It was wrong then to underestimate and to appease fascism, just as it is now to underestimate its modern incarnation.

Extremism that subjugates human dignity and crushes individual freedom beneath rigid ideology must be opposed for what it is.

One year ago today, the world lost the great Somali poet known as Gaarriye. Though his pen has been silenced, the inspiring lyrics remain.

It was Gaarriye who wrote:

“And tell them this: our purpose is peace; our password ‘Freedom’;
Our aim, equality;
Our way the way of light.”

In other words: Peace. Prosperity. Freedom. Three universal human priorities.

Like three handles of a mug from which we all drink. Three values that all humanity shares.

As I close, I cannot help but reflect on three young girls, and my heart breaks for them:

The child bride: “It was the day I left school.”

The girl who was a victim of rape and sexual violence.

The refugee: “I want to go home.”

We are not here to achieve results for governments or political leaders.

We are here to protect and defend these three girls and seven billion other members of the human family. Let us remember this as we embark on discussions to shape a new global agenda, focusing on those most in need.

I am confident that everyone here feels the overwhelming honour and privilege it is to serve our people. It is not without great challenge and responsibility. But we all must stand up and deliver on this unique mandate for the people, for it is the people who expect nothing less.

Thank you.

http://www.macleans.ca/general/john-bairds-speech-to-the-united-nations-general-assembly/

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BLOGSPOT:

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: #1BRrising - NEDA- no more excuses or abuses/IN CANADA OUR GENDER EQUALITY TOPS RELIGION BY LAW.... USA and UN both refuse 2 proclaim women equal men- BUT CANADA DOES- GET USED 2 IT... or don't come 2 Canada or leave... simple as that folks /HEADS UP- CANADA ELECTION THIS YEAR- I sincerely believe in Canada women's rights and equality beats your religious beliefs.... seriously.... and if any political party says differently in Canada- tell voting women now... ONE BILLION RISING- NO MORE EXCUSES

http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2015/02/canada-military-news-1brising-no-more.html

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BLOGSPOT:

O CANADA- Child Sexual Abuse – It is your business-ONE BILLION RISING- NO MORE EXCUSES-HELP LINES 4 KIDS- F**KING PAEDOPHILES- CHILD ABUSERS- PREDATORS OF WOMEN- WE MUST DO BETTER CANADA -IDLE NO MORE CANADA -IDLE NO MORE - How 2 Catch a PAEDOPHILE- Dr. Phil /Love u ANONYMOUS- a huntin we will go

http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2013/12/one-billion-rising-no-more-excuses-help.html

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RELIGIONS IN CANADA

Religion

· Religion (from the Latin, religio, "respect for what is sacred") may be defined as the relationship between human beings and their transcendent source of value.

Religion (from the Latin, religio, "respect for what is sacred") may be defined as the relationship between human beings and their transcendent source of value. In practice it may involve various forms of communication with a higher power, such as prayers, rituals at critical stages in life, meditation or "possession" by spiritual agencies. Religions, though differing greatly, usually share most of the following characteristics: a sense of the holy or the sacred (often manifested in the form of gods, or a personal god); a system of beliefs; a community of believers or participants; ritual (which may include standard forms of invocation, sacraments or rites of initiation); and a moral code.

Religious Traditions

In Canada the principal religion is Christianity; as recently as the 1971 census, almost 90 per cent of the population claimed adherence. In the 2011 census, 39 per cent of Canadians identified themselves as Roman Catholic and 27 per cent as Protestant. Whereas in 1971, only 5 per cent of Canadians were unaffiliated with any religion, by 2011 that number had risen to 24 per cent. Before European settlement Aboriginal peoples practised a wide variety of religions (see Religion of Aboriginal People). Many Aboriginal persons and groups were converted to Christianity through missionary work that began in New France, but in recent years there has been a revival of Aboriginal religions.

Major Religious Denominations

During the 19th century, and boosted particularly by 20th-century immigration, the variety of religions in Canada has grown. By the 1980s Judaism, Buddhism, Sikhism, Hinduism, Islam, Chinese religions and the Baha'i faith were well represented. As of 2011, 8.8 per cent of Canadians adhered to religious faiths other than Christianity. The missionary legacy has included the translation of the Bible into many languages and dialects, including several Aboriginal languages. Missionary efforts also reflected colonial and paternalistic European policies inwhich many Aboriginal religious rites, such as dances and the potlatch and which undermined self-respect and self-sufficiency among Indigenous communities.

Today, pluralism of religious belief is common in Canada. The various traditions can be contrasted according to their sense of the sacred based on historic events (Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Sikhism and the Baha'i faith) or on the natural cycle and rhythms of life (Hinduism, Taoism ,to some extent, Buddhism and Aboriginal religious beliefs), but such contrasts can overlook the similarities across these traditions.

In the academic study of religion, Christian usages and definitions of the descriptive vocabulary of religious studies tended to dominate discussions of the subject, as did Christian views of what constitutes religion. In North America this tendency has been influenced most strongly by Protestant Christianity. The Protestant Reformation of the 16th century marked a reaction against priestly religion by scholars such as Martin Luther (see Lutherans) and John Calvin (see Calvinism), who studied the Bible in its original languages of Hebrew and Greek, rather than in Latin translation. Following St. Paul, Luther stressed what God does for humanity through Christ, rather than how human beings prove themselves to God, with the result that faith (trust in God's actions), rather than ritual (human routines), became the touchstone of what Protestants regarded as true religion. The preachers, rather than the priests, became the leaders in Protestantism, basing the Christian message on the prophetic tradition of the Hebrew Bible and summarizing it in set creeds. Consequently, to most North Americans, religion has come to mean a system of beliefs. Since Christians are theists (believers in a personal god), their central belief has been in God as creator, redeemer and judge of the world.

Among Roman Catholics, the church was a dominant influence in Québec until the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s because it served as an institutional base for nationalism. Anti-English sentiment was directed against Irish prelates in Ontario, as well as Protestant business leaders in Montréal. In the West, the "left wing" of the Reformation was predominantly represented by colonies of Mennonites and Hutterites. Immigrants from Eastern Europe included Russian and Ukrainian Christians from the Orthodox Church. Jewish worship has been led by rabbis from the Orthodox, Conservative and Reformed traditions.

In recent centuries, partly under the impact of the prophetic emphasis on personal faith and social justice, Christians and Jews influenced by the philosophy of Immanuel Kant have emphasized the moral life as the key to true religion. The Women's Christian Temperance Union advocated for women's rights with leaders such as Nellie McClung, and the founders of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (now the New Democratic Party) all stressed the Social Gospel. Consequently, religion typically refers to moral codes, as well as religious practices and creedal affirmations, as equally necessary components of any organized religion.

Interplay Between Past and Future

The contrast between the cultural compromises of different churches and "true religion" (considered as true faith, moral probity or purified ritual) means that, in the case of Christianity and other major religious movements such as Buddhism, believers must distinguish between the cultural forms associated with a religious tradition and its "critical edge." This is usually derived from its otherworldly perspective, or from contrasting the ideal life portrayed in its scriptures with the historical practices of different congregations. Allowing for both aspects, religion may be seen as the interplay between the past and the future, between traditional faith and the hope for the future of individuals and their communities. For instance, Christianity includes a range of practices, organizations and expectations of a life where God's will is fully realized (defined by many as heaven); Buddhism includes the customs of the monks and laity with respect to life in this world (samsara), and the expectation of ultimate bliss (nirvana).

As religion loses its hold on its sacred reference, it loses some of its reasons for being. Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor, along with Québec historian and sociologist Gérard Bouchard, co-authored the Bouchard-Taylor Commission report, A Time for Reconciliation, which among other things assessed the cultural factors of this trend on the religious pluralism in Québec. Taylor’s A Secular Age provides an interpretation of what has come to be understood as the secularization of the West since the Reformation, arguing that religion has not been in the process of disappearing but has become increasingly diversified and personal.

The Study of Religions

Christian views have tended to dominate Western discussions of religion, but in the academic study of religion the impact of the social sciences has led to a more functional approach to research and understanding. Anthropologists have identified so-called primal traditions, including those of Aboriginal peoples in North America, and scholars of religion have reconsidered the significance of these traditions. For instance, where a culture is shaped without a codified scripture (such as the Bible or the Quran) and without formalized creeds, the meaning of different rituals is typically carried by myths that are relayed orally from generation to generation. Scholars have tended to impose cosmogonic myths (myths of creation) as the religiously significant mythology. However, some myths and their meanings remain concealed from researchers: the Shamans or tribal seers and medicine men and women who perform the rituals have often kept the secrets of the most sacred traditions of the group's ancestors and tribal life. Analysis of such traditions uses the contrast between the religious and the secular, since the sacred is equally secular ("this-worldly") in these traditions. The "sacred" is described as whatever is of foundational value in a given society and is a point of reference for creating order from chaos.

Through myth and ritual the symbolic system of values is often tied to specific events and places and within any given group, sacred mountains, trees, rivers, plants and symbols can be found.

The functional approach to religion can be used also to analyze religious traditions that rely on written scriptures. For instance, the importance of Mount Zion or Jerusalem in Judaism, Rome in Catholicism, and Mecca in Islam indicates the importance of sacred places and times in Judaeo-Christian culture, as does the close association of Christmas and Easter with winter and spring festivals. One consequence of the use of social science methodology in the study of religion today is that a profession of faith is less likely to be taken at face value than it was when its leaders controlled the study of religion. For instance, the hierarchical structure of the Roman Catholic and major Protestant churches can be viewed from outside those faiths as a set of myths and rituals that serve to reinforce male supremacy; within those faiths, this hierarchy is regarded as a response to divine revelation.

At the same time, a functional approach looks beyond the confines of formally organized religious groups for a broader view of religion. In modern Canada, research may look to rituals associated with Hockey Night in Canada and the Grey Cup, as well as the Hebrew Bible, when the discussion turns to our cultural and foundational values.

New Religions

The terms quasi-religious creeds, codes and cults have been used to describe non-mainstream religions; new religions exist as contemporary movements that develop articulated traditions that often have a social identity of non-conformity that is critical of the compromises of present culture. The assumption that religion must include a belief in a god or some form of supernaturalism prevents the inclusion of non-denominational movements under the heading "religion." Some participants in the environmental movement have developed seasonal rituals celebrating Mother Earth and have revived an interest in Wicca (knowledge of healing rhythms, herbal remedies, etc.). Many who interpret the spirituality within these religious movements are syncretists (i.e., those who combine ideas whose origins are in different religions), and minimize the divisions among traditional religions (see Spiritualism).

As various Asian traditions have been introduced to North America through immigration, one indirect consequence has been the development of new religious movements. Some of these are actually ancient but are newly transplanted and are attractive to Westerners disaffected with the secularism of Judaism and Christianity (e.g., Hare Krishna, which has its roots in Hinduism). Other groups represent a fusion of Christian and Asian beliefs (e.g., the Unification Church, which combines Christian with Korean ideas). Still others (e.g., Scientology) are the invention of charismatic individuals who gain a following by using traditional philosophies to meet secular aspirations. So far, these movements are known to us mostly through the functional analyses of social scientists or the claims of converts. While participation in traditional, organized religious practice may be on the decline (in 2011, 22 per cent of native born Canadians said they attended religious services at least once a month, down from 31 per cent in 1998), fascination with the occult and esoteric rituals seems to be on the rise in North America. Christians in North America, especially Pentecostals, have inspired some religious groups in once predominantly Catholic regions to convert, or adopt new religious beliefs. Such developments reinforce the claim that some form of religious behaviour is typical of all human societies, even when formal religion is repudiated.

Magic, Science and Religion

It is useful to distinguish the characteristics of magic, science and religion. Magic uses formulas supposed to effect changes willed by manipulative individuals. Science uses formulas or laws to explain general physical processes. Religion reflects ancestral wisdom and a spirituality that brings one to terms with one's personal destiny. With the increasing complexity of, and emphasis and specialization in the industrial world, these distinctions have become more significant. As it is, many critics have come to accept that science and religion need not conflict and that magical practices can be found in all cultural modes, including religion.

Criticism

Religion has been studied as a reflection, or as an awareness, of weaknesses in human behaviour. Much religious imagery projects human fears concerning death and social decay onto symbols of ultimate power. Besides psychology, scientifically oriented scholars look to evolutionary biology for explanations of religious phenomena. In the name of religion, wars have been started, minorities persecuted and social inequalities such as apartheid perpetuated. At the same time, religion as a response to the deepest spiritual values in the universe has been the motive for major reform movements in history. Spiritual and moral leaders such as Gotama Buddha, Jesus, Confucius, Socrates, Muhammad and Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr and Malcolm X have directly or indirectly inspired the abolition of slavery and the caste system, and the alleviation of ignorance and disease. Following the theory of psychologist Gordon Allport, one way to account for the paradox is to contrast extrinsic and intrinsic motivations in religion. Extrinsic motivation involves the use of religious institutions for other purposes, social or economic. Discrimination against women or minorities among some conservative Muslim, Jewish and Christian communities might be studied in this connection. Intrinsic motivation involves living by such commands as to love strangers and to seek justice for the less fortunate.

Religious Studies in Canada

English Canada

An integral part of early university pedagogy in the history of many Canadian universities and colleges, religion has continued to make significant academic contributions, especially in seminaries. Seminaries were established to teach ministers and church workers the particular doctrines of their denomination. Christianity was seen as the one true religion, and the denominational formulation of Christian doctrine was regarded as authoritative. Seminaries and their residences were frequently attached to universities, and their degrees were often given the status of university degrees. Despite criticism of anti-intellectualism and suspicion that courses could be used for proselytism (encouraging conversion) general religion courses in biblical literature or church history were offered by seminary staff to the arts and science faculties.

In the 1960s a distinction was made between confessional and academic studies of religion. This provided the philosophical prerequisite for new departments of religious studies established at universities including McMaster University, Sir George Williams University (now Concordia University) and the University of British Columbia. In these and similar institutions, religious studies are approached as an academic discipline and are located in faculties without denominational ties.

The Canadian Society for the Study of Religion (CCSR) was established 1965 to supplement three existing societies: the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies, the Canadian Society of Church History, and the Canadian Theological Society. The academically oriented CSSR was the first society connected with religion to join the learned societies and to adopt bilingualism. In 1970, the four societies formed the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion/ Corporation canadienne des sciences religieuses. In 1971, CCSR began publishing SR: Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses, which succeeded the Canadian Journal of Theology. Today the CCSR publishes journals, books, and supports the academic study of religion.

Most universities and many colleges offer programs for religious studies including major world religions and movements, and sacred languages such as Hebrew and Sanskrit.

Wilfred Cantwell Smith stood out in the academic study of religion in Canada. A Presbyterian minister and an Islamic specialist, in 1951 he organized the McGill University Institute of Islamic Studies to foster academic interreligious dialogue. In 1964, Smith became Director of Harvard University's Centre for the Study of World Religions. Returning to Canada in 1973, he developed a religious studies department at Dalhousie University. Smith emphasized the cumulative history and the personal faith experience of each religion. Traditional Christian theology's assumption that it has a monopoly on divine grace and salvation was, in Smith's view, morally wrong and must give way to thinking that allows for God to be active in other traditions.

French Canada

In French Canada, the academic study of religion was long identified with the study of theology as practised in seminaries for the education of clergy. However, various phenomena and events of the Quiet Revolution era (1960–66) helped break that monopoly and speed the introduction of a new tradition in religious study. This new approach to religion had been known in Europe for a century, mainly under the German name Religionswissenschaft. In Québec it takes a number of names: human sciences of religion, sciences of religion, religious sciences and religiology. Many Francophone theologians belong to the Société canadienne de théologie. In 1944, francophone exegetes formed the Association catholique des études bibliques au Canada. The ACEBAC translated the New Testament in 1953; in 1982 it was reissued, with commentaries, by Éditions Bellarmin in Montréal.

French-language Canadian journals devoted to the scientific study of religion include Sciences religieuses and the Cahiers du centre de recherche en sciences de la religion of the Université Laval. Francophone theologians publish in magazines such as Science et Esprit, Laval théologique et philosophique, Église et théologie and Sciences pastorales. Cahiers éthicologiques follows research being done in ethics by the religious sciences department at Université du Québec.

See also Bible Schools; Sunday Schools.

Suggested Reading

· R. Bibby, Unknown Gods: The Ongoing Story of Religion in Canada (1993) and Fragmented Gods: The Poverty and Potential of Religion in Canada (1987); B. J. Fraser, The Study of Religion in British Columbia (1995); Willard Oxtoby, ed, World Religions: Eastern Traditions (1996) and World Religions: Western Traditions (1996); Terrence Murphy, ed, A Concise History of Christianity in Canada (1996); H. Remus, W.C. James and D. Franklin, Religious Studies in Ontario (1992); L. Rousseau and M. Depland, les sciences religieuses au Quebec depuis 1972 (1988); R.W. Neufeldt, Religious Studies in Alberta (1983); Huston Smith, The World's Religions (1991).

http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/religion/

R.E.M. ~ Everybody Hurts
Published on 25 May 2013

R.E.M. ~ Everybody Hurts
Lyrics:
When your day is long and the night
The night is yours alone
When you're sure you've had enough of this life, well hang on
Don't let yourself go
Everybody cries and everybody hurts sometimes

Sometimes everything is wrong
Now it's time to sing along
When your day is night alone (hold on, hold on)
If you feel like letting go (hold on)
When you think you've had too much of this life, well hang on
Everybody hurts
Take comfort in your friends.
Everybody hurts
Don't throw your hand. Oh, no
Don't throw your hand
If you feel like you're alone, no, no, no, you are not alone

If you're on your own in this life
The days and nights are long
When you think you've had too much of this life to hang on

Well, everybody hurts sometimes
Everybody cries
And everybody hurts sometimes
And everybody hurts sometimes
So, hold on, hold on
Hold on, hold on
Hold on, hold on
(Hold on, hold on)

Everybody hurts
You are not alone

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HoG2i_h420A

ESKASONI POWWOW-'Medicine for our people'

Singing, dancing, drumming lift spirits of troubled community

TOM AYERS CAPE BRETON BUREAU

tayers@herald.ca @TomAyers2262 ESKASONI -The recent deaths of two respected elders, and an accidental drowning and an alleged murder in the last week, could have cast a pall on one ofthe largest competitive powwows in Atlantic Canada.

Instead, the 24th annual event provided a strong antidote for the troubled community of Eskasoni.

‟Powwow is a good medicine for our people, for our kids," said Chief Leroy Denny. ‟It's a place of good spirits here.

‟The dancers have told me they are dancing for the families. Asthey dance, they're praying at the same time." On Sunday afternoon, following the grand entrance of all the dancers in their regalia, performers competed in a grass dance, a jingle dance, a veterans dance and several others.

Then, they performed an honour dance for the families of late elders Lena Joe and John Bernard, and for Doug Young, a 31-year-old fisherman who died in a boating accident last Sunday.

The honour dance also offered condolences to the family of Dale Dennis, 36, who was killed early Saturday after an altercation with another man, Albert Michael Bernard, 36.

‟Our community is in mourning,” said the chief. ‟We've had over 28 deaths in the past six months. It's just too many.” All events at the powwow were free, including fireworks and a concert on Saturday night by Ottawa aboriginal hip-hop group A Tribe Called Red, which drew more than 3,000 spectators.

Denny said the weekend powwow exceeded expectations, but he hopes it will only get bigger and better.

The concert was especially gratifying, because it was a large, community event with no drugs or alcohol, he said.

The entire weekend was funded by corporate and government sponsorships, in order to make the powwow accessible to all and to try to connect the Mi'kmaq with those of other backgrounds.

‟We want people to learn about the Mi'kmaq, so we'll have a better understanding and respect,” said Denny. ‟We have our own story to share and we want them to hear it from us.

‟There's so many misconceptions out there about who we are and we're not given a chance to be understood.” Levi Denny, one of the powwow co-ordinators, said that understanding works both ways.

‟For me, to hear the honour song, I was almost walking on a cloud,” he said. ‟It was such a personal high to be able to hear a bunch of words in Mi'kmaq put together in a song that signifies who we are as Mi'kmaq.

‟We are very deep in our culture and we are very proud, in spite of what's happened in the last couple of hundred years with the residential schools. There was a time when powwows were not allowed.

‟In the last 24 years, this social gathering has brought a lot of pride to who we are as Mi'kmaq.

‟If people from outside of Mi'kmaq communities come in and see our culture, see our pride, we always hope that they take it with them.

‟We just absolutely love to share who we are, but also to share who they are. That way we break down that barrier.” Georgina Doucette, a residential school survivor and one of the founding members of the Eskasoni powwow committee, said it was uplifting to see so many young aboriginal people living their culture.

More than 24 years ago, Doucette and a handful of others looked over her uncle's potato patch and decided it would make an ideal powwow grounds - a perfect place to begin reviving the culture that was suppressed by the residential school system.

‟The idea began with residential school survivors,” she said. ‟We thought it would be a good idea to take back what was ours, what was lost.

‟This area here was a dump. A lot of what is going on today is to the credit of the families of the survivors. Yesterday, I cried just watching my great-grandchildren dance.” However, Doucette said, she is not sad. The powwow shows young people are learning their native language and culture.

‟I think this is the best I've seen of my community, and I know it's going to keep going, because the younger generation has a lot of pride.” Levi Denny said seeing Doucette smiling at the powwow brings home the meaning of all the hard work the organizing committee and powwow volunteers put in.

‟For me, that brings joy,” he said. ‟For somebody who's had such a hard time, and had their language and culture taken away, it makes it all worthwhile.”

Our community is in mourning. We've had over 28 deaths in the past six months. It's just too many.

Chief Leroy Denny

Preston Tonepahhote of Oklahoma carries the eagle staff to lead the grand entrance at the Eskasoni Powwow on Sunday afternoon.

TOM AYERSCape Breton Bureau

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IN CRISIS? MENTAL HEALTH IN ANNAPOLIS VALLEY

‘Depression is not something to shove under the carpet’: mother of Kingston man

June 17, 2015 - 7 h 30

That world, inspired by the Red Square in Russia, was imaginative, intricate and infused with values he found missing in the everyday world. In this place, he was a leader who chose his battles carefully,...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local 4

‘Depression is not something to shove under the carpet’: mother of Kingston man

Mental health system ‘tragically lacking’: Acadia student allegedly kicked out of dorm

June 17, 2015 - 8 h 30

Robert...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local 1

Mental health system ‘tragically lacking’: Acadia student allegedly kicked out of dorm

Police often provide front line response to a mental health crisis: Annapolis RCMP officer

June 17, 2015 - 11 h 30

Annapolis RCMP Const. David Fairfax says that most weeks, police are called in response to various mental health-related matters.

It’s difficult to track the exact numbers, he says, as mental...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local

Police often provide front line response to a mental health crisis: Annapolis RCMP officer

‘We need to drive for 100 per cent’ in mental health services: Nova Scotia Health Minister Leo Glavine

June 17, 2015 - 15 h 30

“I’m very concerned about this. I am committed to finding out where we are and what we can do,” he said.

“I know there’s great work being done in communities across the province, but...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local

‘We need to drive for 100 per cent’ in mental health services: Nova Scotia Health Minister Leo Glavine

Suicide rates remain steady in Kings, Annapolis counties over time: medical examiner

June 17, 2015 - 13 h 30

RCMP Const. David Fairfax says that between Jan. 1 and June 12 of this year, police in Annapolis County received 92 calls classified under mental health, equivalent to about one-third of the total calls...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local

Help is available, but finding it can be a challenge: Annapolis Canadian Mental Health branch

June 24, 2015 - 9 h 07

Dawn Scott, a longtime member of the Annapolis branch of the Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA), says her group offers various programs in Annapolis County, including a weekly support group for...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local 1

Help is available, but finding it can be a challenge: Annapolis Canadian Mental Health branch

Mental illness changes lives: one Kings County family’s struggle

June 24, 2015 - 8 h 02

That’s how Matthew MacKinnon, 32, developed a mental illness six years ago.

After “going to the hospital many times,” the Kentville resident was diagnosed with a bipolar disorder and schizophrenia.

“My...

Content type:: Article

Section:: Local 1

Mental illness changes lives: one Kings County family’s struggle

http://www.kingscountynews.ca/News/Local/In-crisis%3F-Mental-health-in-Annapolis-Valley-2058/content/1 -------------------

#1Brising - Disabilities are Abilities in disguise- Canada it's time now 2 get our disabled on our political teams and front news and media and visible, visible, visible... Canada's women are equal 2 men by law (ABOUT ONLY COUNTRY IN THE WORLD- USA and United Nations have yet 2 do so) Gay rights became law in 1969, Abortion legal 1988; gay military over 25 years by law and 90% of Canadians will nail u if u diss our First Nations, and anyone of race colour, creed, religion or none - so let's get on 2 disabilities and mental health... imho - God bless our troops, our kids and our environment... and God bless our Canada

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Published on July 05, 2015

This member of the RTP team wacked the ball Sunday morning. Several players are RCMP members.

Wendy Elliott, Kingscountynews.ca

KENTVILLE - There were three more teams this year at the softball tournament and silent auction in Kentville that honours fallen police officers.

One Kentville woman, Cay Wynn, tossed the first ball July 3 to start the Fallen Heroes weekend. Her son, RCMP Const. David Wynn, was shot and killed earlier this year while on duty in Alberta.

Wynn previously lived in Kentville and New Minas and later served as a paramedic in Bridgewater.

"She did great," said MacLean, of Cay Wynn’s contribution, “and added a lot to the opening. Const. Dave Ross’ family had a team this year too.”

Ross was killed in Moncton while on duty in 2014. His wife hails from the Valley.

MacLean hopes to raise between $10,000 to $15,000 with the weekend tournament, when he tallies expenses.

The funds will be set aside for Wynn's three sons, and also for Aux. Const. Derek Bond, who was wounded at the same time.

There were 23 teams and close to 300 people taking part in the tournament. Ball games will continue through Sunday afternoon in the warm sunshine.

MacLean said teams came from New Brunswick, the South Shore, Halifax and Truro to take part.

“It was nice to see new faces,” MacLean noted, a keen baseball player who belongs to three weekly leaques.

This is the second year of the Fallen Heroes tournament.

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Historic photo of Grand Pre on display during Acadian Days

Updated at 13:02 - Jamie Robertson recently came across some exceptional negatives taken by photographer H.H. Reid with his panoramic circuit camera at the opening of the Acadian Memorial Church in Grand Pré in 1922. .

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Petition calls for apology for evicted Acadia student who claims he was kicked out for mental health issues

Published on March 26, 2015

Section:: Local

Type:: Article

Cape Breton woman says police didn't tell her about son's suicide attempt

Published on April 15, 2014

Section:: Regional

Type:: Article

SIRT investigates apparent suicide of missing hospital patient in front of Halifax police

Published on February 03, 2014

Section:: Regional

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Taking time to listen: Changing minds about suicide

Jillian Marie Atwell, of Bridgetown, says people struggling with mental illness need more support. Just 10 minutes can save a life.

A few minutes can save a life if we take the time to listen, says the daughter of a man who was ignored.

Jillian Marie Atwell, of Bridgetown, says it can take about 10 minutes to flip a person’s mind away from suicide and back towards living, but no mental health professional had the time to spare when her dad needed it most last November.

“This isn’t a pity party for me because I lost my father,” she said. “This is about making sure it doesn’t happen to anyone else. Something needs to change, this needs to stop.”

Mike Coxhead would have turned 55 in July. For most of his life, he suffered bouts with mental illness, according to his daughter. Last fall, after not receiving the professional help he needed, he drove to his cottage and shot himself.

Atwell says she’s hoping to raise awareness and money towards opening a drop-in center here in the Valley to provide support to people who are struggling with thoughts of committing suicide.

She is organizing an online fundraiser through gofundme.com and an Aug. 1 benefit concert, the Coxhead Memorial Fundraiser, at Acadia University. She says the money raised from this concert will partly benefit a mental health research project, and also raise money for the drop-in center she hopes to create.

Atwell says that her father had tried to find help the day before he took his own life. He went to the emergency room at the regional hospital, hoping to be admitted. He called Atwell, who met him there and waited with him.

Eventually he talked with a crisis intervention worker. Atwell hoped doctors would give Coxhead a 24 hour psychiatric evaluation keeping him at the hospital, but instead he was told there were no available beds.

Coxhead was released with a hotline to call if he needed more support and a safety plan to fill out himself, she said. This safety plan outlined the steps he would take to keep himself safe.

He had a history of suicide attempts, having tried twice before to take his own life.

Months before, he had been admitted to the intensive care unit after overdosing on pills on Mother’s Day, she added.

Atwell, who has two children, says she was concerned about her father but unable to remain with him for an extended period of time. Other family members also tried to offer support, but this this time it wasn’t enough.

The next day the RCMP called to tell her that her father had gone alone to his cottage and shot himself. She added the crisis number scribbled on the card her father was given, turned out to be incorrect.

“He was a very straight forward and smart man, he just couldn’t get his head fixed,” she said. “We did everything we could, we understood where he was coming from. He just felt isolated and couldn’t deal with the issues.”

Atwell says that her father wasn’t actually alone, but he felt that he was being a burden on family and friends. Every day, people struggle with depression, mental illness and thoughts of suicide. The professional support system currently in place is inadequate and people are falling through the cracks, says Atwell.

According to the Canadian Mental Health Association, mental illness indirectly affects all Canadians at some time through a family member, friend or colleague.

Suicide is one of the leading causes of death in both men and women from adolescence to middle age, it accounts for 24 per cent of all deaths among 15-24 year olds and 16 per cent among 25-44 year olds.

About a month after her father killed himself, Atwell enrolled in a suicide prevention course that teaches people to identify when someone is at risk and how to help get this person the help they need.

“Ten minutes of your time can change a person’s life,” she said. “It can take between five and seven minutes to help someone switch from wanting to die to wanting to live.”

Atwell says that her father believed he was burden on his friends and family, but the greater burden has been bearing his loss. She hopes that one day things will change so that another family is spared this loss.

For more information on Atwell’s online fundraiser visithttp://www.gofundme.com/abref4; or visit her page on Facebook Suicide and mental health awareness.

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Pope begs forgiveness for sins and 'offences' of church against indigenous of America

Nicole Winfield and Frank Bajak, The Associated Press Last Updated Thursday, July 9, 2015 10:13PM EDT

SANTA CRUZ, Bolivia -- Pope Francis apologized Thursday for the sins, offences and crimes committed by the Catholic Church against indigenous peoples during the colonial-era conquest of the Americas, delivering a powerful mea culpa on the part of the church in the climactic highlight of his South American pilgrimage.

History's first Latin American pope "humbly" begged forgiveness during an encounter in Bolivia with indigenous groups and other activists and in the presence of Bolivia's first-ever indigenous president, Evo Morales.

Francis noted that Latin American church leaders in the past had acknowledged that "grave sins were committed against the native peoples of America in the name of God." St. John Paul II, for his part, apologized to the continent's indigenous for the "pain and suffering" caused during the 500 years of the church's presence in the Americas during a 1992 visit to the Dominican Republic.

But Francis went farther, and said he was doing so with "regret."

"I would also say, and here I wish to be quite clear, as was St. John Paul II: I humbly ask forgiveness, not only for the offences of the church herself, but also for crimes committed against the native peoples during the so-called conquest of America," he said to applause from the crowd.

Then deviating from his prepared script, he added: "I also want for us to remember the thousands and thousands of priests who strongly opposed the logic of the sword with the power of the cross. There was sin, and it was plentiful. But we never apologized, so I now ask for forgiveness. But where there was sin, and there was plenty of sin, there was also an abundant grace increased by the men who defended indigenous peoples."

Francis' apology was met with wild applause from the indigenous and other grass-roots groups gathered for a world summit of popular movements whose fight against injustice and social inequality has been championed by the pope.

"We accept the apologies. What more can we expect from a man like Pope Francis?" said Adolfo Chavez, a leader of a lowlands indigenous group. "It's time to turn the page and pitch in to start anew. We indigenous were never lesser beings."

The apology was significant given the controversy that has erupted in the United States over Francis' planned canonization of the 18th century Spanish priest Junipero Serra, who set up missions across California. Native Americans contend Serra brutally converted indigenous people to Christianity, wiping out villages in the process, and have opposed his canonization. The Vatican insists Serra defended natives from colonial abuses.

Francis' apology was also significant given the controversy that blew up the last time a pope visited the continent. Benedict XVI drew heated criticism when, during a 2007 visit to Brazil, he defended the church's campaign to Christianize indigenous peoples. He said the Indians of Latin America had been "silently longing" to become Christians when Spanish and Portuguese conquerors violently took over their lands.

"In effect, the proclamation of Jesus and of his Gospel did not at any point involve an alienation of the pre-Columbus cultures, nor was it the imposition of a foreign culture," Benedict told the continent's bishops.

Amid an outcry from indigenous groups, Benedict subsequently acknowledged that "shadows accompanied the work of evangelizing" the continent and said European colonizers inflicted "sufferings and injustices" on indigenous populations. He didn't apologize, however.

The Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi, said that Francis wrote the speech on his own and that the apology for the sins, offences and crimes of the church was a "particularly important declaration."

Church officials have long insisted Catholic missionaries protected indigenous peoples from the abuses of military colonizers and were often punished by European colonial powers as a result. Francis' own Jesuit order developed missions across the continent, educating the indigenous and turning their communities into organized Christian-Indian societies. The Jesuits were expelled in the 17th century.

Mexican Bishop Raul Vera, who attended the summit where Francis made the apology, said the church was essentially a passive participant in allowing natives to become enslaved under the Spanish "encomienda" system, by which the Spanish king granted land in conquered territories to those who settled there. Indians were allowed to live on the haciendas as long as they worked them.

"It's evident that the church did not defend against it with all its efforts. It allowed it to be imposed," Vera told The Associated Press earlier Thursday.

He acknowledged that John Paul had previously asked forgiveness for the church's sins against indigenous. But he said Francis' apology was particularly poignant given the setting.

Campesino leader Amandina Quispe, of Anta, Peru, who attended the grass-roots summit, said the church still holds lands it should give back to Andean natives. The former seat of the Inca empire, conquered by Spaniards in the 16th century, is an example.

"The church stole our land and tore down our temples in Cuzco and then it built its own churches -- and now it charges admission to visit them," she said.

Francis' apology was not the first. After his 1992 apology, John Paul II issued a sweeping but vague apology for the Catholic Church's sins of the past during the church's 2000 Jubilee. A year later, he apologized specifically for missionary abuses against aborigines in Oceania. He did so in the first ever papal email.

During the speech, the longest and most important of Francis' week-long, three-nation South American trip, the pope touched on some of the key priorities of his pontificate: the need to change an unjust global economic system that excludes the poor and replace it with a "communitarian economy" involving the "fitting distribution" of the Earth's resources.

"Working for a just distribution of the fruits of the Earth and human labour is not mere philanthropy. It's a moral obligation," he said.

He ended the speech with a fierce condemnation of the world's governments for what he called "cowardice" in defending the Earth. Echoing his environmental encyclical of last month, the pope said the Earth "is being pillaged, laid waste and harmed with impunity" while "one international summit after another takes place without any significant result."

He urged the activists present to "keep up your struggle."

It was a message he articulated earlier in the day when he denounced the "throwaway" culture of today's society that discards anyone who is unproductive. He made the comments as he celebrated his first public Mass in Bolivia, South America's poorest country.

The government declared a national holiday so workers and students could attend the Mass, which featured prayers in Guarani and Aimara, two of Bolivia's indigenous languages, and an altar carved from wood by artisans of the Chiquitano people.

In a blending of the native and new, the famously unpretentious pope changed into his vestments for the Mass in a nearby Burger King.

Associated Press writers Paola Flores, Jacobo Garcia and Carlos Valdez contributed to this report.

http://www.ctvnews.ca/world/pope-begs-forgiveness-for-sins-and-offences-of-church-against-indigenous-of-america-1.2460791

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Neglected master

Bird offers compelling narrative of WWI

DEAN JOBB

As Pte. William Richard Bird and his unit plodded through the mud of no man's land at Passchendaele, a volley of German shells tore into their ranks. A young soldier named Mickey was among those riddled with shrapnel.

‟I didn't want - to kill people. I hate war," he whispered, as Bird cradled him in his arms. ‟And we just go on and on." Mickey's dying words not only gave Bird the title for this gritty, compelling memoir of two years on the front lines during the First World War, they capture the futility of every war fought before and since, an endless succession of death and destruction.

Will R. Bird is almost forgotten today, but he was one of Nova Scotia's most popular and prolific writers, the author of more than 25 novels and non-fiction works published between 1928 and the late 1960s (the sheer number on offer at local used bookstores attests to his impressive output).

And We Go On, originally published in 1930 and reissued to mark the 100th anniversary of the Great War, proves that Bird is a neglected master. As University of Manitoba English professor and unabashed fan David Williams argues in his introduction to the new edition, Bird ‟should be required reading for all students of Canadian history and literature." His writing career is all the more remarkable because he was self-taught. Born in East Mapleton, near Amherst, in 1891, he left school with a Grade 8 education to help support his family (his father died when he was a child). He enlisted in 1915, after his brother Steve was killed in action, and fought in Canada's major battles, including Vimy Ridge; his platoon took part in one of the last attacks of the war.

The writing in And We Go On is taut and filled with foreboding. Bird's vivid descriptions and detailed, moment-by-moment recounting of his harrowing experiences immerse readers in the hellish world of trench warfare.

Bird stated in the preface that he wrote the book to counter the ‟sordid, sensation-seeking fiction" that had emerged from the Great War, in particular Erich Maria Remarque's 1929 classic novel All Quiet on the Western Front. While Remarque and others had portrayed front-line soldiers as hard-drinking, womanizing brutes, Bird sought to restore the reputation and dignity of the men who fought at his side.

Their sufferings were legion - mud and cold, poor food and shabby billets, inexperiencedofficers with inflated egos, an onslaught of rats and lice, the constant threat of being hit by a sniper's bullet or stray shell.

Bird hated war as much as his fallen friend Mickey but stealth and quick thinking made him an efficient and deadly soldier; readers will lose count of the number of Germans he kills in battles and raids. He relished risky nighttime patrols, reasoning that he stood a better chance of survival when left to his own devices than in the chaos of a frontal attack. ‟It was your wits against the other fellow's, your cunning against his." ‟Action helped me," he added. ‟It was the deadly waiting, helpless waiting, that was unnerving, for always it seemed as if swooping Death were just above us, hovering, or reaching tentacles from dark corners." Bird wrote with insight and eloquence. The red glow of shelling made water-filled shell craters ‟look like big blots of blood," he says of the scene during one nighttime attack, while green flares ‟gave everything a ghastly, corpse-like sheen." A column of weary, shell-shocked soldiers returned from the front looking ‟like grisly discards of the battlefield, long unburied, who had risen and were in search of graves in which to rest." And We Go On is based on Bird's wartime diaries, but readers may be skeptical of some conversations and details. His cynical companion Tommy, for instance, provides a running critique of officers and commanders - those able to fight wars at a safe distance - that seems a bit contrived.

The spiritualism that pervades his account will fuel more skepticism. Many companions have premonitions of death, which prove accurate, and Bird credited the ghost of his brother Steve, who appeared to him at key moments, for steering him clear of danger (in fact, the memoir was heavily revised and reissued in 1968 under the title Ghosts Have Warm Hands).

Such beliefs in the supernatural were common at the time, however, and Bird insisted the premonitions and other ‟psychic experiences" he described were ‟actual fact." He was invited to speak at legion branches across the country in the early 1930s, suggesting his recollections were accurate and resonated with many Great War veterans.

A century later, they may be the closest any of us will ever get to truly understanding the horror and impact of the ‟War to End all Wars."

Dean Jobb's latest book, Empire of Deception, tells the stranger-than-fiction story of Leo Koretz, a Chicago swindler who fled to a Gatsby-like life of luxury and excess in 1920s Nova Scotia.

Author William R. Bird was born in Mapleton, Cumberland County but lived in Halifax for most of his life. He is the author of over 25 works of fiction and non-fiction, and his book, And We Go On, originally published in 1930, has been reissued to mark the 100th anniversary of the Great War.

The Chronicle Herald Archive

And We Go On: A Memoir of the Great War

Will R. Bird

McGill-Queen's University Press $24.95

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BLOGSPOT:

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: Feb/Mar2014- SEND UP THE COUNT- PTSD/SUICIDE/WOUNDED/LOVED/MISSED- Help Lines/Videos/Blogs/Photos

http://nova0000scotia.blogspot.ca/2014/02/canada-military-news-febmar2014-send-up.html

158 Canadian Troops.... and countless Canadian Soldiers of Suicide and Thousands of wounded Troops..... and on April 5, 2014- AFGHAN WOMEN ROSE UP IN THE MILLIONS AND MARCHED WITH THEIR BABIES AND VOTED... WITH THEIR MOMMAS AND GRANDMAS... IN THE FACE OF HORRIFIC TALIBAN BABY KILLERS.... proving 2 humanity... that the foreign troops and Afghan troops did NOT die in vain... and they passed out flowers along the way..... history will remember.... the hard, hard, hard battle for freedom in Afghanistan which still continues.... Afghans love us Canadians dearly and we love them... because u see.... we believe..... GOOD MORNING AFGHANISTAN... and God bless our Canada....

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So this is how we fought 4 freedom in AFGHANISTAN? And a terrorist who killed Nato troops in Afghanistan is now free? OMAR KHADR???

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September 11, 2001

Monday, July 6, 2015

First Nations in Canada

Table of contents

Introduction

Part 1 – Early First Nations: The Six Main Geographical Groups

Social Organization

Food Resources

Homes

Modes of Transportation

Clothing

Spiritual Beliefs

Part 2 – History of First Nations – Newcomer Relations

First Encounters – Military and Commercial Alliances(First Contact to 1763)

European Colonial Settlements and the Fur Trade

Military Alliances and Conflict

The Royal Proclamation of 1763

Part 3 - A Changing Relationship – From Allies to Wards(1763–1862)

Treaties and a Growing Colony

Shifting Relationships

The Hudson's Bay Company

Part 4 - Legislated Assimilation – Development of the Indian Act(1820–1927)

"Civilizing the Indian"

Indian Legislation

Indian Policy in British Columbia

The Numbered Treaties

The Indian Act

Indian Education and Residential Schools

Part 5 - New Perspectives – First Nations in Canadian Society(1914–1982)

Rolling Back Paternalism

The White Paper

Comprehensive Land Claims

Specific Claims Policy

"Existing Aboriginal and Treaty Rights"

Part 6 - Towards a New Relationship(1982 – present)

Bill C-31

The Oka Crisis and RCAP

Self-Government

National Aboriginal Day

Residential Schools Apology

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The Spark for Action

Sovereignty Through Solidarity

Building Roads and Going Online

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Cape Breton woman says police didn't tell her about son's suicide attempt

Taking time to listen: Changing minds about suicide

CANADA MILITARY NEWS: Feb/Mar2014- SEND UP THE COUNT- PTSD/SUICIDE/WOUNDED/LOVED/MISSED- Help Lines/Videos/Blogs/Photos

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First Encounters – Military and Commercial Alliances
(First Contact to 1763)

Part 3 - A Changing Relationship – From Allies to Wards
(1763–1862)

Part 4 - Legislated Assimilation – Development of the Indian Act
(1820–1927)

Part 5 - New Perspectives – First Nations in Canadian Society
(1914–1982)

Part 6 - Towards a New Relationship
(1982 – present)