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JULY 11, 2015 We love u Greece... and we've been posting... millions and millions of us globally... neither WWI or WWII and now Brussels and Germany and IMF have the gall 2 lecture beautiful Greece.- 74% GERMAN DEBT EXPUNGED.....after the WW1 and WWII- WTF???
Thomas Piketty: ‘Germany Has Never Repaid its Debts. It Has No Right to Lecture Greece
This forceful and important interview which is of enormous relevance to not just Greece, Germany or Europe but to India and English-speaking people all across the world, has been translated from the original German by Gavin Schalliol and is being published by The Wire in arrangement with Die Zeit.
In the interview, star economist Thomas Piketty calls for a major conference on debt. Germany, in particular, should not withhold help from Greece.
Since his successful book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, the Frenchman Thomas Piketty has been considered one of the most influential economists in the world. His argument for the redistribution of income and wealth launched a worldwide discussion. In a interview with Georg Blume of Die Zeit, he gives his clear opinions on the European debt debate.
DIE ZEIT: Should we Germans be happy that even the French government is aligned with the German dogma of austerity?
Thomas Piketty: Absolutely not. This is neither a reason for France, nor Germany, and especially not for Europe, to be happy. I am much more afraid that the conservatives, especially in Germany, are about to destroy Europe and the European idea, all because of their shocking ignorance of history.
ZEIT: But we Germans have already reckoned with our own history.
Piketty: But not when it comes to repaying debts! Germany’s past, in this respect, should be of great significance to today’s Germans. Look at the history of national debt: Great Britain, Germany, and France were all once in the situation of today’s Greece, and in fact had been far more indebted. The first lesson that we can take from the history of government debt is that we are not facing a brand new problem. There have been many ways to repay debts, and not just one, which is what Berlin and Paris would have the Greeks believe.
ZEIT: But shouldn’t they repay their debts?
Piketty: My book recounts the history of income and wealth, including that of nations. What struck me while I was writing is that Germany is really the single best example of a country that, throughout its history, has never repaid its external debt. Neither after the First nor the Second World War. However, it has frequently made other nations pay up, such as after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, when it demanded massive reparations from France and indeed received them. The French state suffered for decades under this debt. The history of public debt is full of irony. It rarely follows our ideas of order and justice.
ZEIT: But surely we can’t draw the conclusion that we can do no better today?
Piketty: When I hear the Germans say that they maintain a very moral stance about debt and strongly believe that debts must be repaid, then I think: what a huge joke! Germany is the country that has never repaid its debts. It has no standing to lecture other nations.
ZEIT: Are you trying to depict states that don’t pay back their debts as winners?
Piketty: Germany is just such a state. But wait: history shows us two ways for an indebted state to leave delinquency. One was demonstrated by the British Empire in the 19th century after its expensive wars with Napoleon. It is the slow method that is now being recommended to Greece. The Empire repaid its debts through strict budgetary discipline. This worked, but it took an extremely long time. For over 100 years, the British gave up two to three percent of their economy to repay its debts, which was more than they spent on schools and education. That didn’t have to happen, and it shouldn’t happen today. The second method is much faster. Germany proved it in the 20th century. Essentially, it consists of three components: inflation, a special tax on private wealth, and debt relief.
ZEIT: So you’re telling us that the German Wirtschaftswunder [“economic miracle”] was based on the same kind of debt relief that we deny Greece today?
Piketty: Exactly. After the war ended in 1945, Germany’s debt amounted to over 200% of its GDP. Ten years later, little of that remained: public debt was less than 20% of GDP. Around the same time, France managed a similarly artful turnaround. We never would have managed this unbelievably fast reduction in debt through the fiscal discipline that we today recommend to Greece. Instead, both of our states employed the second method with the three components that I mentioned, including debt relief. Think about the London Debt Agreement of 1953, where 60% of German foreign debt was cancelled and its internal debts were restructured.
ZEIT: That happened because people recognised that the high reparations demanded of Germany after World War I were one of the causes of the Second World War. People wanted to forgive Germany’s sins this time!
Piketty: Nonsense! This had nothing to do with moral clarity; it was a rational political and economic decision. They correctly recognized that, after large crises that created huge debt loads, at some point people need to look toward the future. We cannot demand that new generations must pay for decades for the mistakes of their parents. The Greeks have, without a doubt, made big mistakes. Until 2009, the government in Athens forged its books. But despite this, the younger generation of Greeks carries no more responsibility for the mistakes of its elders than the younger generation of Germans did in the 1950s and 1960s. We need to look ahead. Europe was founded on debt forgiveness and investment in the future. Not on the idea of endless penance. We need to remember this.
ZEIT: The end of the Second World War was a breakdown of civilization. Europe was a killing field. Today is different.
Piketty: To deny the historical parallels to the postwar period would be wrong. Let’s think about the financial crisis of 2008/2009. This wasn’t just any crisis. It was the biggest financial crisis since 1929. So the comparison is quite valid. This is equally true for the Greek economy: between 2009 and 2015, its GDP has fallen by 25%. This is comparable to the recessions in Germany and France between 1929 and 1935.
ZEIT: Many Germans believe that the Greeks still have not recognized their mistakes and want to continue their free-spending ways.
Piketty: If we had told you Germans in the 1950s that you have not properly recognized your failures, you would still be repaying your debts. Luckily, we were more intelligent than that.
ZEIT: The German Minister of Finance, on the other hand, seems to believe that a Greek exit from the Eurozone could foster greater unity within Europe.
Piketty: If we start kicking states out, then the crisis of confidence in which the Eurozone finds itself today will only worsen. Financial markets will immediately turn on the next country. This would be the beginning of a long, drawn-out period of agony, in whose grasp we risk sacrificing Europe’s social model, its democracy, indeed its civilization on the altar of a conservative, irrational austerity policy.
ZEIT: Do you believe that we Germans aren’t generous enough?
Piketty: What are you talking about? Generous? Currently, Germany is profiting from Greece as it extends loans at comparatively high interest rates.
ZEIT: What solution would you suggest for this crisis?
Piketty: We need a conference on all of Europe’s debts, just like after World War II. A restructuring of all debt, not just in Greece but in several European countries, is inevitable. Just now, we’ve lost six months in the completely intransparent negotiations with Athens. The Eurogroup’s notion that Greece will reach a budgetary surplus of 4% of GDP and will pay back its debts within 30 to 40 years is still on the table. Allegedly, they will reach one percent surplus in 2015, then two percent in 2016, and three and a half percent in 2017. Completely ridiculous! This will never happen. Yet we keep postponing the necessary debate until the cows come home.
ZEIT: And what would happen after the major debt cuts?
Piketty: A new European institution would be required to determine the maximum allowable budget deficit in order to prevent the regrowth of debt. For example, this could be a commmittee in the European Parliament consisting of legislators from national parliaments. Budgetary decisions should not be off-limits to legislatures. To undermine European democracy, which is what Germany is doing today by insisting that states remain in penury under mechanisms that Berlin itself is muscling through, is a grievous mistake.
ZEIT: Your president, François Hollande, recently failed to criticise the fiscal pact.
Piketty: This does not improve anything. If, in past years, decisions in Europe had been reached in more democratic ways, the current austerity policy in Europe would be less strict.
ZEIT: But no political party in France is participating. National sovereignty is considered holy.
Piketty: Indeed, in Germany many more people are entertaining thoughts of reestablishing European democracy, in contrast to France with its countless believers in sovereignty. What’s more, our president still portrays himself as a prisoner of the failed 2005 referendum on a European Constitution, which failed in France. François Hollande does not understand that a lot has changed because of the financial crisis. We have to overcome our own national egoism.
ZEIT: What sort of national egoism do you see in Germany?
Piketty: I think that Germany was greatly shaped by its reunification. It was long feared that it would lead to economic stagnation. But then reunification turned out to be a great success thanks to a functioning social safety net and an intact industrial sector. Meanwhile, Germany has become so proud of its success that it dispenses lectures to all other countries. This is a little infantile. Of course, I understand how important the successful reunification was to the personal history of Chancellor Angela Merkel. But now Germany has to rethink things. Otherwise, its position on the debt crisis will be a grave danger to Europe.
ZEIT: What advice do you have for the Chancellor?
Piketty: Those who want to chase Greece out of the Eurozone today will end up on the trash heap of history. If the Chancellor wants to secure her place in the history books, just like [Helmut] Kohl did during reunification, then she must forge a solution to the Greek question, including a debt conference where we can start with a clean slate. But with renewed, much stronger fiscal discipline.
This interview originally appeared in Die Zeit. The German original may be readhere. English translation by Gavin Schalliol, an amateur rabble-rouser based in Hamburg, Germany.
http://thewire.in/2015/07/08/thomas-piketty-germany-has-never-repaid-its-debts-it-has-no-right-to-lecture-greece/-------------
JULY 14 2015- O Canada - O beautiful glorious Greece... POOR CANADA- elections coming the inept child star Liberal Justin Bieber/ NDP Doubting Thomas the teddy bear who's scary roadshow mps prefer the Taliban over our Canadian troops as proven in Afghanistan/ Tory PM Harper who ain't a gonna change and his former Reform Party roots have totally destroyed the glorious Tory Blue who truly understood the Canadians of Canada ... and then... The Green Party who have still in 7 years NOT done one lick of work in the communities getting active... and Elizabeth May humiliating all women who fought for her in that horrific scary media display of just plain mean.... and how do u think the troops feel about 'WELCOME BACK KHADR?".... so frankly.... not one of the parties is worth a whiz..... and useless.... yet we seem better than Europe run by Germany and France; China who owns the USA debt...period, Russia and United Nations owned by Islamic States killing each other in glee at the $$$ expense of 'the more industralized nations paying all the bills'... seriously??
For 'defeated' Greece, a hideous pact and the death
of democracy
MICHAEL BABAD
The Globe and Mail
Published Monday, Jul. 13, 2015 3:23AM EDT
Last updated Monday, Jul. 13, 2015 10:28AM EDT
What the analysts say
A “defeated” Alexis Tsipras is preparing to sell a harsh reality to the Greek people.
As our European bureau chief Eric Reguly reports, Greece and the euro zone today struck a bailout agreement after 17 hours of talks.
But many, many questions remain, among them how the Greek populace reacts in the wake of a deal with measures said to be harsher than the ones they rejected just a week ago in a referendum.
Mr. Tsipras, who swept to power as prime minister on a pledge to fight austerity measures, agreed to a bailout valued at up to €87-billion over three years, some via a special new fund to bring in money from Greek assets.
In return, an embattled Greece, where unemployment is at about 27 per cent, gave up much, promising fiscal cuts, higher taxes and reforms to the pension system.
“The deal consists of a series of tougher austerity measures that have been rejected by the Greek population a week earlier,” said Ipek Ozkardeskaya of London Capital Group.
“Defeated, Alexis Tsipras should now go back to his parliament and get the final approval by Wednesday in order to kick off discussions for the third bailout at the cost of a €50-billion fund and democracy.”
Here’s what those who have followed the crisis are saying:
“Believe it or not, instead of kicking the Greek debt can down the road, the discussion about whether or not to kick the can has itself been kicked down the road for 72 hours instead. The sad thing is that the absurdity can't hide the awful economic reality that is imposed on the Greek economy; it's going backwards every day this goes on.” Kit Juckes, Société Générale
“The eurogroup wants more commitments with very specific timelines, they want the energy market privatized, the financial sector strengthened, and more product market reforms. Also, and this was one of the big hurdles to overcome, Greece agreed that ‘valuable Greek assets will be transferred to an independent fund that will monetize the assets through privatisations and other means. This fund would be…managed by the Greek authorities under the supervision of the relevant European institutions.’ Sort of like forced savings, or putting aside assets to be used to pay down debt.” Jennifer Lee, BMO Nesbitt Burns
“The hard work is not over – the deal still has to be got through national parliaments, with Athens and Berlin being the main ones to watch. It would not be surprising to see Alexis Tsipras depart the stage before the end of the week, given that he is likely to face more than a little opposition to a deal that is worse than the one Greeks rejected last week. A new national unity government would then result, and while this would provide a platform for reforms in line with creditor demands it does little for the image of European democracy.” Chris Beauchamp, IG
“The knee-jerk optimism following the agreement will certainly remain short-lived as the financial deal will certainly not be a relief on the political front. The sovereignty of the EU members is highly questionable after Greece accepted a very costly deal to be able to stay in the euro zone. The risk of a political contagion should intensify as the price to use euro may become increasingly unsustainable.” Ms. Ozkardeskaya
“Against this backdrop we, for now, maintain our 65-per-cent probability of Grexit (combining both short- and medium-term risks) and note significant risks of an early election in Greece. The tense negotiations over the weekend have, moreover, laid bare political divides with the euro area and we fear that this may slow the much-needed progress towards a genuine economic and monetary union.” Michala Marcussen, Michel Martinez, Yvan Mamalet, Société Générale
7 uses for a mannequin
It may have been illegal, but a Toronto driver’s alleged attempt at using mannequins to cheat in the Pan Am Games HOV lanes was certainly creative.
Police charged the driver, accusing him of dressing up the dummies to look like people in the passenger and back seats, with seatbelts and all, to get around the traffic hassles that are causing Toronto motorists such angst.
Which got me thinking about all the things you could do with mannequins at the office:
Hog the executive bathroom.
Call it a Cabinet meeting and decide everything yourself.
Use them to create a silent compensation committee.
Stack the Senate chamber with them, and tell them to approve your expenses.
If you’re the Greek Prime Minister, pretend you’re working on economic reforms.
If you're the Bank of Canada Governor, hold a news conference where you can't surprise anyone.
Tell your boss you're having a meeting, and do whatever the heck you want.
BlackBerry names new sales head
BlackBerry Ltd. has a new global sales chief.
Carl Wiese, lately of Cisco Systems Inc., was named global sales president today to replace John Sims, the smartphone maker said today, giving no explanation as to why Mr. Sims, who has been with the company for about and one and one-half years, left BlackBerry.
Word of the day
Capitulation
Surrender. Or when, after 17 hours and on the brink of ruin, you decide that all the promises you made to get elected just weren’t worth submitting to hard-ball tactics.
What to watch for this week
For the first time in a long time, there’s a lot of suspense where Wednesday’s Bank of Canada decision is concerned.
There would have been suspense in January, when the central bank cut its benchmark rate, but for the fact that no one saw it coming.
At the beginning of the year, Governor Stephen Poloz deemed the surprise cut of one-quarter of a percentage point as “insurance” against the oil shock.
Now, with Canada’s economy continuing to falter, at least through the first four months of the year, some economists expect Mr. Poloz and his colleagues may cut their benchmark overnight rate another quarter-point this week, which would bring it down to just 0.5 per cent.
“In the end, the string of weaker-than-expected data during the first half of 2015, notably the April GDP report and recent trade releases, should outweigh any near-term concerns about taking out additional insurance the bank warned might be necessary after the January rate cut,” said Mark Chandler, Paul Borean and Simon Deely of Royal Bank of Canada.
“The central bank has gone to some lengths in assuring markets of a clear communications policy, and in the governor’s most recent speech, he reinforced the importance of taking action when the timetable to close the output gap shifts significantly,” they added in a report on what to expect.
“Given growth disappointments in [the first half of the year], the current deviation would seem to warrant action in the form of a rate cut.”
The central bank will also release its quarterly monetary policy report, with new, likely lower projections.
It would still be a big week on the economics front even without the Bank of Canada meeting.
Just before its announcement, Statistics Canada will release a report on how the manufacturing sector fared in May after a sales drop of more than 2 per cent in April.
Economists expect to see a slight pickup.
Then on Friday, the statistics agency reports on inflation last month, and the annual rate is expected to hold at 2.2 per cent.
Markets get the U.S. inflation report on the same day. But first, on Tuesday, we’ll get the U.S. retail sales report for last month.
Overseas, the European Central Bank also meets, though little change is expected.
On the corporate front, a new earnings season begins in earnest.
Among the major companies reporting results this week are Alimentation Couche-Tard, Cogeco Inc. and its cable arm, CSX Corp., Johnson & Johnson, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, Bank of America, Intel, Netflix, Charles Schwab, Citigroup, eBay, Goldman Sachs and Google.
HEADS UP- JUST IN-July 9 2015- bastards..... back door mafia tactics by the rich old school Brussels, IMF...etc.... on beautiful Greece..... bastards.... LEAVE THE EU GREECE... pls... they don't deserve u... and the world of tourists can and will come and visit.... we love u... hugs from Canada
'We underestimated their power': Greek government insider lifts the lid on five months of 'humiliation' and 'blackmail'
In this interview with Mediapart, a senior advisor to the Greek government, who has been at the heart of the past five months of negotiations between Athens and its international creditors, reveals the details of what resembles a game of liar’s dice over the fate of a nation that has been brought to its economic and social knees. His account gives a rare and disturbing insight into the process which has led up to this week’s make-or-break deadline for reaching a bailout deal between Greece and international lenders, without which the country faces crashing out of the euro and complete bankruptcy. He describes the extraordinary bullying of Greece’s radical-left government by the creditors, including Eurogroup president Jeroen Dijsselbloem’s direct threat to cause the collapse of the Hellenic banks if it failed to sign-up to a drastic austerity programme. “We went into a war thinking we had the same weapons as them”, he says. “We underestimated their power”.
http://www.mediapart.fr/en/journal/international/080715/we-underestimated-their-power-greek-government-insider-lifts-lid-five-months-humiliation-and-blackm?onglet=full
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CANADIANS STEP UP FOR GREECE= austerity is sheeeety... and the world's poor deserve better from global hypocrisy and 'RICH ONLY NEED APPLY' - and why can all politicians elected (BECAUSE EU.... ELECTED??? IMF ...ELECTED.... USA IS OWNED BY CHINA... THE WORLD'S POOR KNOWS.... the only one who cares about us all is Pope Francis...it seems)
O Canada
Thousands of Greeks of all ages in Montreal on Sunday attended annual parade and events commemorating Greece's Independence Day.
26 Jan 2015 ...
Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras has pledged to support refugees .... “The problem
with the EU system of asylum,
especially the Dublin agreement, ...
The real
winners of Greece's elections: refugees
By Preethi Nallu
ATHENS, 26 January 2015 (IRIN) - Beyond all the talk of debt, austerity
and welfare payments lies a less-hyped but far-reaching consequence of Greece’s
election bombshell: a dramatically more welcoming policy to migrants and asylum
seekers.
The left-wing Syriza party, which trounced the anti-immigration New Democracy party in yesterday’s elections and holds 149 seats in the 300-seat parliament, has pledged to open Greece’s borders and increase support for migrants already inside the country.
"Syriza takes a strong stand against the demonizing of immigrants and undemocratic measures like concentration camps and border walls,” the party’s head of migration policy, Vasiliki Katrivanou, said after the vote.
“We will take steps to improve so called “ghetto areas” in benefit of everyone living there: Greeks and immigrants," she added. “We consider our win at the polls a victory for all Greeks and all migrants.”
Matthaios Tsimitakis, a Greek journalist and political analyst, said he expected a major shift in government policy.
“The previous government was based on the right-wing ideology that dominated politics…Syriza is moving in a different direction. Immigrants are not a threat to national security; they are victims of international wars. They need integration to become productive members of society and not a burden."
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are currently nearly 44,000 asylum-seekers in Greece, in addition to 3,500 recognized refugees. According to the Greek Council of Refugees, the total number of Syrians entering Greece surpassed 30,000 in 2014.
The influx is growing rapidly: UNHCR said 43,500 people were apprehended by Greek authorities at the Greek-Turkish borders in 2014, a 300 percent increase compared to the previous year.
The left-wing Syriza party, which trounced the anti-immigration New Democracy party in yesterday’s elections and holds 149 seats in the 300-seat parliament, has pledged to open Greece’s borders and increase support for migrants already inside the country.
"Syriza takes a strong stand against the demonizing of immigrants and undemocratic measures like concentration camps and border walls,” the party’s head of migration policy, Vasiliki Katrivanou, said after the vote.
“We will take steps to improve so called “ghetto areas” in benefit of everyone living there: Greeks and immigrants," she added. “We consider our win at the polls a victory for all Greeks and all migrants.”
Matthaios Tsimitakis, a Greek journalist and political analyst, said he expected a major shift in government policy.
“The previous government was based on the right-wing ideology that dominated politics…Syriza is moving in a different direction. Immigrants are not a threat to national security; they are victims of international wars. They need integration to become productive members of society and not a burden."
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are currently nearly 44,000 asylum-seekers in Greece, in addition to 3,500 recognized refugees. According to the Greek Council of Refugees, the total number of Syrians entering Greece surpassed 30,000 in 2014.
The influx is growing rapidly: UNHCR said 43,500 people were apprehended by Greek authorities at the Greek-Turkish borders in 2014, a 300 percent increase compared to the previous year.
The country had a 19 percent acceptance rate for asylum seekers in the final
quarter of 2014, far lower than the European Union (EU) of 48 percent.
Syriza is set to immediately address the backlog of
asylum cases while providing protection for the most vulnerable of asylum
seekers.
Pushing back on ‘pushbacks’
The Syriza government has also vowed to curb security forces’ alleged practice of forcing migrants and asylum seekers arriving from Turkey back across the land and marine borders.
The previous administration denied such claims, but UNHCR has recorded asylum seekers being sent back to Turkey, boats of migrants ignored by the Greek coastguard despite distress calls, and physical violence by law enforcement personnel.
Pushing back on ‘pushbacks’
The Syriza government has also vowed to curb security forces’ alleged practice of forcing migrants and asylum seekers arriving from Turkey back across the land and marine borders.
The previous administration denied such claims, but UNHCR has recorded asylum seekers being sent back to Turkey, boats of migrants ignored by the Greek coastguard despite distress calls, and physical violence by law enforcement personnel.
Tighter border controls have pushed smugglers to take ever more extreme
measures. According to the International Organization for Migration, last year at least
4,077 refugees died crossing the Mediterranean to reach Europe – many heading
for Greece.
Syriza MPs have been at the forefront of
questioning coastguard authorities alleged to be pushing back migrants at sea,
with the party’s leadership publicly accusing Greek border patrol of being
culpable for the boat tragedies on the Aegean Sea and frequently calling for investigations.
When asylum seekers and migrants arrive in Greece, the majority are taken to detention centers. Upon their release, the majority are given a deportation order giving them only a limited amount of time to return to their home countries.
Elektra Koutra, an immigration and human rights lawyer based in the capital Athens, has helped secure protection and asylum for such families with minors, especially from Syria in recent years. She says asylum seekers do not understand the legal repercussions of their deportation orders and often stay beyond the expiration.
“One of the children I represented saw someone die during his journey and experienced high levels of stress while on his own, yet he was given a deportation order and no support," she explained.
Dublin trouble
One other key issue is the Dublin agreement, which Syriza has called to be renegotiated.
The agreement, signed in 1990, stipulates that asylum seekers in the EU must claim asylum in the first country they arrive in – rather than being able to travel to other European states first. As such, a disproportionate percentage of cases fall upon the shoulders of southern European countries such as Greece, Italy and Spain that are natural frontiers to migration.
Greek politicians have long claimed that the country, which has seen its economy shrink by nearly a quarter in five years, cannot cope with the asylum seekers.
“The problem with the EU system of asylum, especially the Dublin agreement, is that it is based on a flawed notion that all member states are able to provide the same level of protection to refugees,” Koutra said.
While Syriza may want to reform the Dublin agreement, there appears to be little appetite in northern Europe. As such, the party may well seek to galvanise political support in neighbouring southern European states.
Koutra warned that such changes were unlikely in the short-term. “It will require calling for special support in processing asylum cases and relocating asylum seekers to other member states based on the 2001 EU Directive on Displacement,” she said. The directive allows for the voluntary transfer of refugees between EU states.
Syriza’s task appears mammoth. With the Greek economy still in tatters, addressing the needs of thousands of refugees, while at the same garnering support from EU members who are already lending the country its economic lifeline, will certainly test the prowess of the coming government.
Yet for thousands of migrants and asylum seekers, their election might just be a chink in fortress Europe.
When asylum seekers and migrants arrive in Greece, the majority are taken to detention centers. Upon their release, the majority are given a deportation order giving them only a limited amount of time to return to their home countries.
Elektra Koutra, an immigration and human rights lawyer based in the capital Athens, has helped secure protection and asylum for such families with minors, especially from Syria in recent years. She says asylum seekers do not understand the legal repercussions of their deportation orders and often stay beyond the expiration.
“One of the children I represented saw someone die during his journey and experienced high levels of stress while on his own, yet he was given a deportation order and no support," she explained.
Dublin trouble
One other key issue is the Dublin agreement, which Syriza has called to be renegotiated.
The agreement, signed in 1990, stipulates that asylum seekers in the EU must claim asylum in the first country they arrive in – rather than being able to travel to other European states first. As such, a disproportionate percentage of cases fall upon the shoulders of southern European countries such as Greece, Italy and Spain that are natural frontiers to migration.
Greek politicians have long claimed that the country, which has seen its economy shrink by nearly a quarter in five years, cannot cope with the asylum seekers.
“The problem with the EU system of asylum, especially the Dublin agreement, is that it is based on a flawed notion that all member states are able to provide the same level of protection to refugees,” Koutra said.
While Syriza may want to reform the Dublin agreement, there appears to be little appetite in northern Europe. As such, the party may well seek to galvanise political support in neighbouring southern European states.
Koutra warned that such changes were unlikely in the short-term. “It will require calling for special support in processing asylum cases and relocating asylum seekers to other member states based on the 2001 EU Directive on Displacement,” she said. The directive allows for the voluntary transfer of refugees between EU states.
Syriza’s task appears mammoth. With the Greek economy still in tatters, addressing the needs of thousands of refugees, while at the same garnering support from EU members who are already lending the country its economic lifeline, will certainly test the prowess of the coming government.
Yet for thousands of migrants and asylum seekers, their election might just be a chink in fortress Europe.
pn/jd/am
--------------
How did Greece manage to get into such a terrible
situation? Local politics that lead to profligate spending is one
answer. But remember that someone needs to supply the money that allows
such profligacy. In this case it was the European Central Bank that
handed Greece the keys to the safe.
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CELINE DION- MY HEART WILL GO ON.... JUST LIKE MAGNIFICENT GREECE
CANADA
Expat: 'Greece is going to go on'
REMO ZACCAGNA STAFF REPORTER
rzaccagna@herald.ca @RemoZaccagna
Peter Giannoulis has made it a point to feature items from his native Greece at his Farmer's Best market on the Bedford Highway.
Giannoulis imports a number of items from Greece - from produce to olive oils - to the Halifax market, along with a variety of other ethnic foods.
However, even with Greece teetering on the precipice of financial ruin, Giannoulis's son, also named Peter, doesn't believe it will have any negative effect on his father's business.
‟I don't think (it will), as long as they still are able to use the euro as currency," the younger Giannoulis said. ‟If it changes to the drachma, it will have a monetary effect. But we don't know if that's going to happen or not." In a historic referendum on Sunday, more than 61 per cent of Greek voters rejected austerity policies attached to bailout terms negotiated with the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and their eurozone partners.
Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras had called the referendum and campaigned for the ‟no" side, banking on the result strengthening his hand to obtain a better deal from Europe.
But the result has further deepened divisions on both sides and the future is far from certain, with the possibility Greece could exit the eurozone and return to the drachma, its former currency.
The situation is worrisome for the Giannoulis family, with half of their relatives living in Greece.
‟We all have an attachment (to Greece)," said the younger Giannoulis, a developer who ownsCosmos Properties . ‟We all feel really badly about what's going on. And to tell you the truth, it's not the middle class and the lowincome class's fault, but they're the ones that are getting hammered right now, unfortunately." He said that some of his family members in Greece have been unemployed for years, while others have seen their business prospects dwindle.
Giannoulis said he would have voted yes if he were living in Greece.
‟The no vote was pretty much to protect the current government and its interests,” he said.
He believes that Tsipras and his far-left Syriza party should resign to make way for a new government willing to come together in good faith with the rest of Europe.
‟I think they should try to negotiate some new terms with the EU. You can't really move ahead without being able to compromise with your creditors. There's got to be some middle line where both parties can see eye to eye.” Downtown Halifax businessman Chris Tzaneteas has also been closely following the situ ation in Greece, hoping it gets resolved for friends and family who still live there.
He believes there should be a fairer system installed that would allow Greece the independence to tackle its economic problems.
‟The monetary policy of the EU is kind of governed by a central bank in Europe and these are really independent economies,” said Tzaneteas, who owns the Argyle Grill & Bar among sever al downtown properties. ‟And what's going on in Germany is not the same as what's going on in Greece.” But whatever happens, he's positive that his family and the rest of the country will endure.
‟They're concerned, but they're going to survive and Greece is going to go on. It's been around for thousands of years, and if they have to go to the drachma, they have to go to the drachma.”
'Austerity does not work,' economist
Solution to Greece crisis could be short-term bailout, changes to repayment schedule
On the television screen somewhere Wednesday, Roger Federer was elegantly dissecting Gilles Simon on the green of Wimbledon.
Michael Bradfield likes tennis. But he loves economics.
Or maybe he's just the most accommodating of interview subjects.
Either way, there we sat in his airy living room: the thoughtful voice of the economic left - a man whose academic specialization is regional development but who recently has spoken out about everything from hydraulic fracturing to the high costs and hidden interest rates of payday loans - and I who had arrived, face screwed tight in confusion, seeking some sort of enlightenment.
About Greece, for example, which I had always thought of as the land of ouzo, Plato and the Acropolis but now - for the first time, I guess, since Alexander the Great - seemed to have the power to make Europe tremble.
‟I wouldn't let the generals take over again," he said, referring back to the dark days when the country was ruled by an undemocratic junta - days which some fear could return again as a consequence of Greece's worsening debt crisis.
He does, on the other hand, know where to lay blame for the Ionian conundrum; it's not necessarily with the Greeks, even though after the 2009 global financial collapse, their government announced it had been understating its deficit figures for years.
Shut out from financial markets, Greece needed a pair of international bailouts to stay afloat. Five years of harsh austerity budgets have since followed, imposed by the same lenders who, in Bradfield's view, kept irresponsibly pouring money into that country despite knowing full well how dire its financial situation was.
Bradfield, who taught economics at Dalhousie University from 1968 until 2007, is a ‟Keynesian." As a follower of the thinking of British economist John Maynard Keynes, he believes among other things that the free market isn't always right and that sometimes governments have to intervene to stabilize economies.
Like all good Keynesians, here's something else he believes to be true: ‟Austerity does not work," says the youthful 73-year-old, who makes his case in an animated enough way to refute the cliche that economics is ‟the dismal science." He's got the evidence to back up his point on austerity. Five years ago when ‟deficit hysteria" swept across Europe, even countries that looked as sold as a rock started cutting spending and raising taxes to avoid following Greece's path.Since then, as Nobel Prize laureate Paul Krugman pointed out in a recent New York Times column, the ‟austerian" view ‟has collapsed to the point where hardly anyone still believes it." The best way forward amid Greece's problems, Bradfield says, is for the same governments, lenders and funding bodies that made austerity the byword in that country to ‟back off and realize we have to undo what has been done." He thinks that surely means a new short-term bailout and changes to the conditions of the mammoth repayment schedule.
Whether that happens is anybody's guess. But the principle, in his view, is the same whether applied to a country in Europe or a small province in Canada.
The slash-government-spending mantra that successive Nova Scotia governments seem to have adopted simply doesn't stand up under scrutiny, he says.
Once again he's got the numbers: in Canada, economic output per person grew more sharply during the 1951-1971 period when most of the country's big social programs were instituted than in the years afterward when social spending was curtailed.
So if a government wants to improve prosperity in this province, it shouldn't simply cut spending, which he calls ‟an investment for generations to come," as so many commentators have advocated.
Instead, do something about income inequality, Bradfield says, by making the tax system fairer, increasing the minimum wage and taking other steps to help those who struggle the most.
Continue to do common-sense things like spending more on training and health care to improve productivity. Put more money into early childhood education - which increases wages and tax revenues and gets more people working sooner.
‟I wouldn't start fracking," says Bradfield, who sat on the recent provincial review. ‟The economic benefits are too small to justify the risk and we don't have enough evidence to know the true cost." The voice of the left, relevant as ever.
I wouldn't let the generals take over again.
Michael Bradfield Economist
People are reflected in glass as they line up to withdraw cash from a bank machine in central Athens on Wednesday. EMILIO MORENATTI AP
JOHN DEMONT
jdemont@herald.ca @CH_coalblackhrt
John DeMont is the Senior Writer for the Chronicle Herald.
---------------
Greek referendum: a lose lose for Europe
The saga of the Greek Eurozone experiment and its travails seems to have gone on rather longer than the Trojan War. How one analyses the blame depends to a large extent on one’s views on economics and the whole European Project.
On one side the Greeks cheated on the convergence criteria regarding joining the Eurozone in the first place. Then they used cheap credit obtained from the favourable Eurozone interest rates to go on a prolonged national spending spree ensuring higher salaries and better terms and conditions than their economy allowed for. Greece is significantly richer than its former Communist bloc neighbours in the absence of adequate superior wealth to justify that differential. Then, when the whole thing started to go wrong the Greeks demanded everyone else help pay for their profligacy. Finally when they do not like the repayment terms they are offered they hold a referendum effectively asking their own population if they would like to avoid paying their own way. It is a classic example of a country trying to borrow its way to national wealth.
The above is simplified but possibly not entirely wide of the mark.
There is, however, the counter argument:
Greece was economically raped and pillaged (raped and pillaged in many other ways too) by the Germans during the last war. After the war for political reasons to do with keeping the western bloc together this was not discussed. Then after German reunification it was again not discussed. The European bureaucracy then allowed Greece into the Eurozone when its economy did not meet the convergence criteria partially for selfish political reasons to do with ever closer union etc. The net effect of the Eurozone was to hold the German currency down allowing it to sell products more cheaply and make more money. When other countries such as Greece ran out of money to pay for German products the German banks then lent Greece money to purchase German products. Now the Germans want that money back even if it takes decades whilst ignoring the rape and pillage of the much earlier decade. It is a classic example of the privatisation of profit and the nationalisation of risk.
The most potent and least emotive counter argument, however to austerity, is that the austerity plan is simply not working and will probably never work.
One can argue the rights and wrongs of the above ad nauseaum.
More interesting, however, is the politics of now.
The referendum result probably produces a lose lose for the EU.
If the Eurozone capitulates and offers Greece debt relief it sets a serious precedent for the other countries in similar positions such as Spain and Portugal. It also drives a coach and horses through its frequently stated positions. Furthermore how accepting the politicians and population of Germany (and other Northern European states) will be of such a position is unclear.
On the other hand if the Greeks are forced out of the Eurozone it massively undermines the whole Euro project and the concept of ever closer union.
Then if Greece descends into economic and possibly political chaos that will be bad for the EU both economically and politically is a whole series of ways both predictable and unpredictable. Almost worse if Greece readjusted and then, reasonably quickly, did better outside the Eurozone (or even outside the EU) that would also undermine the whole European project
The other oddity is that the EU’s leaders thought that the Greeks would do anything other than reject their terms. It seems pretty obvious if an external group (even more so one headed by a country the Greeks have an historical antipathy towards) makes demands of a country that the typical result is what is best described using the Ulster Scots term: thranness.
That some in the heart of Euroland thought that the Greek population would back what was seen to be the plan of the EU (and Germany) over Greece’s politicians plan is bizarre. Therein lies another problem. Some in Brussels may believe in a country called Europe. Most Europeans, however, believe that the past, present and future is another country: the individual ones they live in.
After being told what to do by Europe rightly or wrongly the Greeks have been thran: as indeed have their creditors. What happens now is difficult to tell. No options are especially attractive for the European project
http://sluggerotoole.com/2015/07/05/greek-referendum-a-lose-lose-for-europe/
----------------
The Greeks for whom all the talk means nothing – because they have nothing
For
13 months there was no water, but a campaign by the women persuaded the
Gerakas town hall to fit a standpipe in May last year. Later, the group
raised €1,000 to have it plumbed into the caravan and a septic tank
dug, so the toilet works. The next target is a solar panel for
electricity.
Every
month the group holds a raffle, the proceeds of which buy fresh fruit
and vegetables – apples, oranges, beans, potatoes – which Moragianis and
her friends bring up to the caravan once a week. Fresh meat is once a
week. Non-perishables – spaghetti, rice, flour, condensed milk, tomato
sauce – come from the food bank.
And
so the Karvouniaris siblings survive. Georgios digs, recycles what he
can find on the streets, takes long walks and dreams of fresh milk. No
electricity means no fridge. Barbara cooks – there is a gas stove –
cleans, washes clothes and tends her garden.
The
couple have no money – a friendly town hall official paid their latest
€18 water bill out of his own pocket – and no hope of any until Georgios
qualifies for his pension at 67. “I’d hoped it might be 65, in four
years’ time, but they’ve just recently decided to raise the age limit,”
he said.
He
is not sure how much he will get even then. Pensions have been a major
stumbling block in Greece’s aid-for-reforms talks with its creditors,
who want further savings from a system whose benefits have already been
cut by 45%, leaving nearly half of Greece’s pensioners below the monthly
poverty threshold of €665.
It
is not just pensioners in penury. Under a limited relief programme
promised by the Syriza party during its election victory in January,
more than 300,000 of the poorest Greek households applied last month for
food aid, a small rent allowance and to have their electricity
reconnected for free.
So
far the government has found the money to pay a small housing benefit
to precisely 1,073 people, the social solidarity minister, Theano
Fotiou, admitted. The €70 a month grocery voucher Georgios and Barbara
were promised under the scheme – “We have no house and no power, so
there was nothing else we qualified for,” said Georgios – has yet to
materialise.
Barbara’s
face briefly clouds. How does she feel about the way they have been
treated? “Disgusted,” she said, quietly. “Just … disgusted.” She smiles
again. “But we’ve been lucky. There are people who have nowhere to sleep
at all.”
According
to a University of Crete study earlier this year, there are now 17,700
people without proper and secure housing in Athens alone. Some sleep
rough or in cars, others camp with friends or relatives, or live in
squats and hostels.
A
majority are in their own homes, threatened with imminent eviction
because they are among the estimated 320,000 Greek families who have
fallen behind with a mortgage or other payment to their bank.
Two
are in a small donated caravan, living on food donated by a group of
Greek women. Georgios is grateful, but he also gets angry sometimes. “I
have worked all my life. I’ve paid my taxes all my life,” he said.
“I’m
61 years old and if it wasn’t for the generosity of people who three
years ago we had never met, we would be sleeping on a bench. You do what
you can. But it doesn’t seem right.”
------- -----------------
imho- Hell yeah...Good for
Greece....... it's your people and nation that matters... not greedy Brussels
and the elitist
Greece finally admits €2bn
gas pipeline deal with Russia http://tgr.ph/1KRuTQr pic.twitter.com/mEzmnMlGIk
Greece finally admits €2bn gas pipeline deal with Russia
Closer ties between Athens and Moscow is likely to worry the US, which has stepped up its involvement in Greece's debt crisis
Greece has admitted for the first time it is planning a €2bn gas pipeline with Russia.
The move is likely to worry the US, which has stepped up its involvement in Greece's debt talks with international creditors over fears the cash-strapped country could drop out of the single currency and come under the influence of its Cold War rival.
Panayotis Lafazanis, Greece's energy minister, said the move would be a key part of the country's "multi-faceted" foreign policy and would create 20,000 jobs, the Financial Times reported.
Figures released by Greece’s National Statistics Service on Thursday showed unemployment at 25.6pc in April.
Reports in April suggested Moscow was ready to provide advanced payment to Greece for the "Turkish Stream" pipeline project, which will transport 47bn cubic metres of Gazprom's gas annualy from 2018.
Russian president Vladimir Putin and Greek PM Alexis Tsipras
Those reports were quickly denied by the Kremlin, depite Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras visiting Russia to hold talks with Russian president Vladimir Putin.
During that visit to the Kremlin, Mr Tsipras insisted Greece was a “sovereign nation with the indelible right to carry out its own foreign policy”.
Germany's finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, has previously said he had no objection to any deal with Moscow, but that ultimately it would not "fix Greece's reform problems".
Beijing has also sought to invest in Greece's port infrastructure.
Mr Lafazanis, who heads up the Left Platform of Syriza, has hailed a new dawn in Greco-Russia relations and has invited the likes of state-sponsored Gazprom to drill for oil off the Greek coast.
It comes amid reports Greece's European creditors are willing to give the country debt relief, following its default on loans to the IMF last month.
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GREECE
LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENTTOPOGRAPHY
CLIMATE
FLORA AND FAUNA
ENVIRONMENT
POPULATION
MIGRATION
ETHNIC GROUPS
LANGUAGES
RELIGIONS
TRANSPORTATION
HISTORY
GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL PARTIES
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
ARMED FORCES
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
ECONOMY
INCOME
LABOR
AGRICULTURE
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
FISHING
FORESTRY
MINING
ENERGY AND POWER
INDUSTRY
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
DOMESTIC TRADE
FOREIGN TRADE
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
BANKING AND SECURITIES
INSURANCE
PUBLIC FINANCE
TAXATION
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
HEALTH
HOUSING
EDUCATION
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
MEDIA
ORGANIZATIONS
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
FAMOUS GREEKS
DEPENDENCIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hellenic Republic
Elliniki Dhimokratia
CAPITAL: Athens (Athínai)
FLAG: The national flag consists of nine equal horizontal stripes of royal blue alternating with white and a white cross on a royal-blue square canton.
ANTHEM: Ethnikos Hymnos (National Hymn), beginning "Se gnorizo apo tin kopsi" ("I recognize you by the keenness of your sword").
MONETARY UNIT: The euro replaced the drachma as official currency in 2002. The euro is divided into 100 cents. There are coins in denominations of 1, 2, 5, 10, 20, and 50 cents and 1 euro and 2 euros. There are notes of 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, and 500 euros. €1 = $1.25475 (or $1 = €0.79697) as of 2005.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES: The metric system is the legal standard.
HOLIDAYS: New Year's Day, 1 January; Epiphany, 6 January; Independence Day, 25 March; Labor Day, 1 May; Assumption, 15 August; National Day (anniversary of successful resistance to Italian attack in 1940), 28 October; Christmas, 25 December; Boxing Day, 26 December. Movable religious holidays include Shrove Monday, Good Friday, and Easter Monday.
TIME: 2 pm = noon GMT.
LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
Greece is the southernmost country in the Balkan Peninsula, with a total area of 131,940 sq km (50,942 sq mi); about a fifth of the area is composed of more than 1,400 islands in the Ionian and Aegean seas. Comparatively, the area occupied by Greece is slightly smaller than the state of Alabama. Continental Greece has a length of 940 km (584 mi) n–s and a width of 772 km (480 mi) e–w. It is bounded on the n by Macedonia and Bulgaria, on the ne by Turkey, on the e by the Aegean Sea, on the s by the Mediterranean Sea, on the sw and w by the Ionian Sea, and on the nw by Albania, with a total land boundary length of 1,228 km (763 mi) and a coastline of 13,676 km (8,498 mi). The capital city of Greece, Athens, is located along the country's southern coast.
TOPOGRAPHY
About four-fifths of Greece is mountainous, including most of the islands. The most important range is the Pindus, which runs down the center of the peninsula from north to south at about 2,650 m (8,700 ft) in average elevation. Mt. Olympus (Ólimbos; 2,917 m/9,570 ft) is the highest peak and was the legendary home of the ancient gods.
Greece has four recognizable geographic regions. The Pindus range divides northern Greece into damp, mountainous, and isolated Epirus (Ipiros) in the west and the sunny, dry plains and lesser mountain ranges of the east. This eastern region comprises the plains of Thessaly (Thessalía) and the "new provinces" of Macedonia (Makedonia) and Thrace (Thraki)—"new" because they became part of Greece after the Balkan wars in 1912–13. Central Greece is the southeastern finger of the mainland that cradled the city-states of ancient Greece and comprises such classical provinces as Attica (Atikí), Boeotia (Voiotia), Doris, Phocis, and Locris. Southern Greece consists of the mountainous, four-fingered Peloponnesus (Pelopónnisos), separated from the mainland by the Gulf of Corinth (Korinthiakós Kólpos). Islands of the Aegean comprise the numerous Cyclades (Kikládes); the Dodecanese (Dhodhekánisos), including Rhodes (Ródhos); and the two large islands of Crete (Kríti) and Euboea (Évvoia).
Greek rivers are not navigable. Many dry up in the summer and become rushing mountain torrents in the spring. The longest river is the Maritsa, which runs along the northeast border a distance of 480 km (300 mi).
Greece is located above the convergence of the Eurasian and the African Tectonic Plates, a situation which causes frequent earthquakes and tremors. While many quakes are low magnitude tremors with minimal damage and injury, stronger quakes are not entirely uncommon. On 14 August 2003, a 6.3 magnitude earthquake occurred in western Greece causing injuries to about 50 people and damaging roads and buildings.
CLIMATE
The climate in southern Greece and on the islands is Mediterranean, with hot, dry summers and cool, wet winters. Winters are severe in the northern mountain regions. The summer heat is moderated by mountain and sea breezes. Precipitation is heaviest in the north and in the mountains. Average annual rainfall varies from 50 to 121 cm (20–48 in) in the north and from 38 to 81 cm (15–32 in) in the south. The mean temperature of Athens is 17°c (63°f), ranging from a low of 2°c (36°f) in the winter to a high of 37°c (99°f) in the summer.
FLORA AND FAUNA
Of the 4,992 species of higher plants recorded in Greece, about 742 are endemic to the country. Many pharmaceutical plants and other rare plants and flowers considered botanical treasures flourish in Greece. Vegetation varies according to altitude. From sea level to 460 m (1,500 ft), oranges, olives, dates, almonds, pomegranates, figs, grapes, tobacco, cotton, and rice abound. From 460 to 1,070 m (1,500–3,500 ft) are forests of oak, chestnut, and pine. Above 1,070 m (3,500 ft), beech and fir are most common.
Fauna are not plentiful, but bear, wildcat, jackal, fox, and chamois still exist in many sparsely populated areas. The wild goat (agrimi), which has disappeared from the rest of Europe, still lives in parts of Greece and on the island of Crete. There are about 95 species of mammal throughout the country. Migratory and native birds abound and there are more than 250 species of marine life. Natural sponges are a main export item.
ENVIRONMENT
Among Greece's principal environmental problems are industrial smog and automobile exhaust fumes in metropolitan Athens. Over half of all industry is located in the greater Athens area. From June to August 1982, the air pollution became so oppressive that the government closed down 87 industries, ordered 19 others to cut production, and banned traffic from the city center. In July 1984, the smog again reached the danger point, and 73 factories were ordered to cut production and cars were banned from the city. In January 1988, the number of taxis in the center of Athens was halved, and private cars were banned from the city's three main thoroughfares. The smog regularly sends hundreds of Greeks to the hospital with respiratory and heart complaints. Greece is among the 50 nations with the world's highest levels of industrial carbon dioxide. In 1992, it ranked 37th, with emissions totaling 73.8 million metric tons, a per capita level of 7.25. In 1996, the total rose to 80.6 million metric tons.
Water pollution is a significant problem due to industrial pollutants, agricultural chemicals such as fertilizers and pesticides, and sewage. The Gulf of Saronikos is one of the most polluted areas because 50% of Greece's industrial facilities are located there. Greece has 58 cu km of renewable water resources with 81% used for farming and 3% used for industrial purposes.
Greece's pollution problems are the result of almost complete disregard for environmental protection measures during the rapid industrial growth of the 1970s, compounded by unbalanced development and rapid, unregulated urban growth. Government policies have emphasized rational use of natural resources, balanced regional development, protection of the environment, and increased public participation in environmental matters. Four environmental and planning services were consolidated under the Ministry for Physical Planning, Housing, and the Environment.
In 2003, about 3.6% of the total land area was protected by the state. Meteora and Mount Athos are UNESCO World Heritage Sites. There are 10 Ramsar wetland sites in the country. According to a 2006 report issued by the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN), threatened species included 11 types of mammals, 14 species of birds, 6 types of reptiles, 4 species of amphibians, 27 species of fish, 1 type of mollusk, 10 species of other invertebrates, and 2 species of plants. Endangered species include the Mediterranean monk seal, the hawksbill turtle, Atlantic sturgeon, and the large copper butterfly.
POPULATION
The population of Greece in 2005 was estimated by the United Nations (UN) at 11,100,000, which placed it at number 74 in population among the 193 nations of the world. In 2005, approximately 18% of the population was over 65 years of age, with another 15% of the population under 15 years of age. There were 98 males for every 100 females in the country. According to the UN, the annual population rate of change for 2005–10 was expected to be stagnant at 0.0%, a rate the government viewed as too low. The projected population for the year 2025 was 11,394,000. The population density was 84 per sq km (218 per sq mi).
The UN estimated that 60% of the population lived in urban areas in 2005, and that urban areas were growing at an annual rate of 0.58%. The capital city, Athens (Athínai), had a population of 3,215,000 in that year. Another major urban area is Thessaloniki with a metropolitan population of 824,000.
MIGRATION
Under League of Nations supervision in 1923, more than one million Greek residents of Asia Minor were repatriated, and some 800,000 Turks left Greece. During the German occupation (1941–44) and the civil war (1944–49), there was a general movement of people from the islands, the Peloponnesus, and the northern border regions into the urban areas, especially the Athens metropolitan area, including Piraiévs. Between 1955 and 1971 about 1,500,000 peasants left their farms—about 600,000 going to the cities, the rest abroad. According to the 1981 census, 813,490 Greeks had migrated since 1975 to urban areas, and 165,770 had moved to rural areas. The growth rate of the Athens, Thessaloniki, Pátrai, Iráklion, and Vólos metropolitan areas during 1971–81 far exceeded the population growth rate for the nation as a whole.
Many Greeks leave the country for economic reasons. In the years after World War II, the number of annual emigrants has varied from a high of 117,167 (in 1965) to a low of 20,330 (in 1975). The net outflow of Greek workers during the 1960s was 450,000; during the 1970s, however, there was a net inflow of 300,000. This mainly reflected declining need for foreign labor in western Europe.
In 1974, when the Greek military government collapsed, about 60,000 political refugees were living overseas; by the beginning of 1983, about half had been repatriated, the remainder being, for the most part, Communists who had fled to Soviet-bloc countries after the civil war of 1944–49. After the fall of Communism in 1989 slightly more than half of the migrants to Greece were Albanians, followed by other influxes from nearby countries. In 2002 Greece received $1.18 billion in remittances.
In 2004, Greece received 7,375 applications for asylum, as compared to 4,367 in 1997. Most of them were from Iraq, Afghanistan, Georgia, Algeria, and Iran. In that same year Greece had a population of 2,489 refugees and another 3,459 persons of concern (primarily Iraqi Christians) according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). According to Migration News, in 2005 Greece had 900,000 to 1.2 million immigrants, including 400,000 in irregular status. In August 2005 Greece passed a new immigration law allowing for foreigners legally living in the country in 2004 to become permanent residents in 2006. However, the ethnic Greek Albanians and about 500,000 unauthorized foreigners were excluded from this policy change.
In 2005, the net migration rate was estimated as 2.18 migrants per 1,000 population.
ETHNIC GROUPS
About 98% of the population is Greek. Minority groups include Turks, Macedonian Slavs, Albanians, Armenians, Bulgarians, Jews, and Vlachs. Though a number of citizens identify themselves as Pomaks, Romas, Macedonians, Slavomacedonians, Roma, and Arvanites, the government does not officially acknowledge these groups as minorities. Though some citizens describe themselves as Turks or Turkish, use of the term is prohibited in titles of organizations or associations. The Greeks also object to use of the term Macedonian by the Slavic speaking inhabitants of that region.
LANGUAGES
Modern Greek, the official language, is the first language of about 99% of the population. English, learned mostly outside the school system, and French are widely spoken. Turkish and other minority languages, such as Albanian, Pomakic, Kutzovalachian, and Armenian, also are spoken. The vernacular and the language of popular literature are called dimotiki (demotic). The official language dialect—katharevousa—generally used by the state, the press, and universities, employs classical terms and forms. In 1976, the government began to upgrade the status of dimotiki in education and government. The liturgical language is akin to classical Greek.
RELIGIONS
The government does not keep statistics on membership in religious groups; however, it is estimated that about 97% of the population are nominally members of the Greek Orthodox Church. Official estimates place the number of Muslims at about 98,000 people, with most living in Thrace. Jehovah's Witnesses and the Roman Catholic Church each have about 50,000 members. There are about 30,000 Protestants and 5,000 Jews. There are small congregations of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), the Church of Scientology, and the Anglican church. There is a very small Baha'i community.
Under the constitution, the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ (Greek Orthodox) is the "prevailing" religion of Greece; the church is self-governing under the ecumenical patriarch resident in Istanbul, Turkey, and is protected by the government, which pays the salaries of the Orthodox clergy. The Orthodox Church is also allowed a significant influence in economic and political policies. The constitution prohibits proselytizing. The Orthodox Church, Judaism, and Islam are considered to be "legal persons of public law," a designation of preferred legal status that makes it easier for these groups to own property and gain legal representation in court. Religious groups must obtain a house of prayer permit through the Ministry of Education and Religion in order to open a public place of worship. Approval for a permit is based in part on the opinion of the local Orthodox bishop.
TRANSPORTATION
Greek transportation was completely reconstructed and greatly expanded after World War II. The length of roads in 2002 was 117,000 km (72,704 mi), of which 107,406 km (66,742 mi) were paved. Toll highways connect Athens with Lamía and Pátrai. In 2003 there were 5,024,600 motor vehicles, including 3,885,908 passenger cars and 1,138,692 commercial vehicles in use.
The Hellenic State Railways, a government organ, operates the railroads, which in 2004 had a total length of 2,571 km (1,597 mi), that which consisted of standard, narrow and dual gauge lines. Standard gauge lines made up the bulk of the nation's railway system, at 1,565 km (973 mi), of which 764 km (475 mi) was electrified. Narrow gauge lines accounted for 983 km (611 mi), with dual gauge trackage amounting to 23 km (14 mi). The agency also operates a network of subsidiary bus lines connecting major cities. The privately owned Hellenic Electric Railways operates a high-speed shuttle service between Piraiévs and Athens.
Principal ports are Elevsís, Thessaloniki, Vólos, Piraiévs, Iráklion, and Thíra. In 2005 the Greek merchant fleet had 861 ships (down from 2,893 in 1982) of 1,000 GRT or over, for a total of 30,186,624 GRT. In addition, Greek shipowners had many other ships sailing under Cypriot, Lebanese, Liberian, Panamanian or other foreign registries. The Greek fleet was hard hit by the international shipping slump of the 1980s. The inland waterway system consists of three coastal canals and three inland rivers, for a total of 80 navigable km (50 mi).
Greece had an estimated 80 airports in 2004. As of 2005, a total of 67 had paved runways, and there were also eight heliports. Athens' main airport connects the capital by regular flights to major cities in Europe, the Middle East, and North America. The new Athens airport at Spata opened March 2001. Olympic Airways, nationalized in 1975, operates a large internal domestic network as well as international flights. In 2003, about 7.519 million passengers were carried on domestic and international flights. Also during 2003, Greek aircraft performed 63 million freight ton-km of service.
HISTORY
Civilization in Greece first arose on Crete in the 3rd millennium bc, probably as a result of immigration from Asia Minor (now Turkey). The Minoan civilization (c.3000–c.1100 bc), named after the legendary King Minos (which may have been a title rather than a name), was centered in the capital of Knossos, where it became known as Helladic (c.2700–c.1100 bc). During the 2nd millennium bc, Greece was conquered by Indo-European invaders: first the Achaeans, then the Aeolians and Ionians, and finally the Dorians. The Greeks, who called themselves Hellenes after a tribe in Thessaly (they were called Greeks by the Romans after another tribe in northwestern Greece), adapted the native culture to their own peasant village traditions and developed the characteristic form of ancient Greek political organization, the city-state (polis). The resulting Mycenaean civilization (c.1600–c.1100 bc), named after the dominant city-state of Mycenae, constituted the latter period of the Helladic civilization.
The Mycenaeans, who were rivals of the Minoans, destroyed Knossos about 1400 bc and, according to legend, the city of Troy in Asia Minor about 1200 bc. The Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations both came to a relatively abrupt end about 1100 bc, possibly as a result of the Dorian invasion, but the foundations had already been laid for what was to become the basis of Western civilization. It was the Greeks who first tried democratic government; produced the world's first outstanding dramatists, poets, historians, philosophers, and orators; and made the first scientific study of medicine, zoology, botany, physics, geometry, and the social sciences.
In the 1st millennium bc, overpopulation forced the Greeks to emigrate and to colonize areas from Spain to Asia Minor. The Greeks derived their alphabet from the Phoenicians during the 8th century bc. By the 6th century bc, the two dominant polises (city-states) were Athens and Sparta. The 5th century bc, recognized as the golden age of Athenian culture, brought the defeat of the Persians by the Athenians in the Persian Wars (490–479 bc) and the defeat of Athens and its allies by Sparta and its allies in the Peloponnesian War (431–404 bc). The territory that is present-day Greece was under Spartan rule.
The inability of Greeks to unite politically led to the annexation of their territories by Philip II of Macedon in 338 bc and by his son Alexander the Great. Through Alexander's ambition for world empire and his admiration of Greek learning, Greek civilization was spread to all his conquered lands. The death of Alexander in 323 bc, the breakup of his empire, and the lack of national feeling among the Greeks prepared the way for their conquest by Rome at the close of the Macedonian Wars in 146 bc.
Greece was made a Roman province, but Athens remained a center of learning. To speak the Greek language was to speak the language of culture, commerce, art, and politics. Greeks were widely influential in Rome, in the Egyptian city of Alexandria, and elsewhere. For this reason, the period between the death of Alexander and the beginning of the Roman Empire is known as the Hellenistic period.
When the Roman Empire was officially divided in ad 395, Greece, by this time Christianized, became part of the Eastern Roman Empire, eventually known as the Byzantine Empire (so named from Byzantium, the former name of Constantinople, its capital). The Byzantine Empire lasted for more than a thousand years. During this period, Greek civilization continued to contribute to Byzantine art and culture.
The formal schism between Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Roman Catholicism came in 1054, when Pope Leo IX and Patriarch Michael Cerularius excommunicated each other. The continuity of Byzantine rule was broken by the fall of Constantinople in the Fourth Crusade in 1204. Under the Latin Empire of the East, which lasted until 1261, Greece was divided into feudal fiefs, with the Duchy of Athens passing successively under French, Spanish, and Florentine rulers.
The Ottoman Turks, who conquered Constantinople in 1453 and the Greek peninsula by the end of the decade, gave the Greeks a large degree of local autonomy. Communal affairs were controlled by the Orthodox Church, and Greek merchants ranged throughout the world on their business ventures, but Greece itself was poverty-stricken. Following an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the Turks in 1770—an uprising aided by Russia, as part of Catherine the Great's plan to replace Muslim with Orthodox Christian rule throughout the Near East—the Greeks, led by the archbishop of Patras, proclaimed a war of independence against the Turks on 25 March 1821. The revolution, which aroused much sympathy in Europe, succeeded only after Britain, France, and Russia decided to aid the Greeks in 1827. These three nations recognized Greek independence through the London Protocol of 1830, and the Ottomans accepted the terms later in the year.
The same three powers also found a king for Greece in the person of Otto I of Bavaria. During his reign (1832–1844), Otto I faced a series of foreign and domestic problems. In March 1844, Otto's administration was pressured to draft a constitution to establish a new government. Under this document, the leader would reign as a constitutional monarch and the legislature would be elected by all property-holding males over the age of 25. Otto managed to hold onto power for another decade, until the outbreak of the Crimean War (1854–1856). Otto sent troops to occupy Ottoman territory with the pretense of protecting Christians in the Balkans, but the European powers sided against him. Otto, humiliated, was forced to give up his "Christian Cause" in the Balkans. He abdicated in 1862.
Next Prince William George of Denmark, who ruled as King George I, took control of Greece until his assassination in 1913. During and after his rule, Greece gradually added islands and neighboring territories with Greek-speaking populations, including the Ionian Islands, ceded by the British in 1864; Thessaly, seized from Turkey in 1881; Macedonia, Crete, and some Aegean islands in 1913; and the Dodecanese Islands and Rhodes, ceded by Italy in 1947.
The first half of the 20th century for Greece was a period of wars and rivalries with Turkey; of republican rule under the Cretan patriot Eleutherios Venizelos; of occupation by Italy and Germany during World War II (in World War I, Greece had been neutral for three years and had then sided with the Allies); and of a five-year civil war (1944–49) between the government and the Communist-supported National Liberation Front, in which US aid under the Truman Doctrine played a significant role in defeating the insurgency. In September 1946, the Greeks voted back to the throne the twice-exiled George II (grandson of George I), who was succeeded upon his death in April 1947 by his brother Paul I. A new constitution took effect in 1952, the same year Greece joined NATO. For much of the decade, Greece backed demands by Greek Cypriots forenosis, or the union of Cyprus with Greece, but in 1959, the Greek, Turkish, and Cypriot governments agreed on a formula for an independent Cyprus, which became a reality in 1960.
King Paul died on 6 March 1964 and was succeeded by his son Constantine. Meanwhile, a parliamentary crisis was brewing, as rightist and leftist elements struggled for control of the army, and the government sought to purge the military of political influence. On 21 April 1967, a right wing military junta staged a successful coup d'etat. Leftists were rounded up, press censorship was imposed, and political liberties were suspended. After an unsuccessful countercoup on 13 December 1967, King Constantine and the royal family fled to exile in Italy. Lt. Gen. George Zoetakis was named regent to act for the king, and Col. George Papadopoulos was made premier. A constitutional reform was approved by 92% of the voters in a plebiscite held under martial law on 29 September 1968. Under the new constitution, individual rights were held to be subordinate to the interests of the state, many powers of the king and legislature were transferred to the ruling junta, and the army was granted extended powers as overseer of civil order. The constitution outlawed membership in the Communist Party. US military aid to Greece, suspended after the 1967 coup, was restored by President Richard M. Nixon in September 1970.
Following an abortive naval mutiny in 1973, Greece was declared a republic by the surviving junta. Papadopoulos became president, only to be overthrown by a group of officers following the bloody repression of a student uprising. The complicity of the junta in a conspiracy by Greek army officers on Cyprus against the government of Archbishop Makarios precipitated the final fall from power of Greece's military rulers in July 1974, when the Turkish army intervened in Cyprus and overwhelmed the island's Greek contingent. Constantine Karamanlis, a former prime minister and moderate, returned from exile to form a civilian government that effectively ended eight years of dictatorial rule.
General elections were held on 17 November 1974, the first since 1964, marking the recovery of democratic rule. In a referendum held on 8 December 1974, 69% of the electorate voted to end the monarchy and declare Greece a parliamentary republic. On 7 June 1975, a democratic constitution was adopted by the new legislature, although 86 of the 300 members boycotted the session. Karamanlis became Greece's first prime minister under the new system, and on 19 June 1975, parliament elected Konstantinos Tsatsos as president.
Prime Minister Karamanlis, who had withdrawn Greece from NATO's military structure in 1974 to protest Turkey's invasion of Cyprus, resumed military cooperation with NATO in the fall of 1980 (a few months after he was elected president of Greece) and brought his nation into the European Community (EC) effective 1 January 1981. With the victory of the PanHellenic Socialist Movement (Panellinio Socialistikou Kinema—PASOK) in the elections of October 1981, Greece installed its first Socialist government. The new prime minister, Andreas Papandreou—the son of former prime minister George Papandreou and a man accused by rightists in 1967 of complicity in an abortive leftist military plot—had campaigned on a promise to take Greece out of the EC (although his government did not do so). In November 1982, he refused to allow Greek participation in NATO military exercises in the Aegean, which were then canceled. In January 1983, the government declared a general amnesty for the Communist exiles of the 1944–49 civil war.
In mid-1982, in an attempt to deal with the deepening economic crisis, the government created a ministry of national economy, which embraced industrial and commercial affairs. The proposed "radical socialization" of the economy, however, provoked widespread opposition, which limited it to the introduction of worker participation in supervisory councils; state control was imposed only on the pharmaceutical industry (in 1982). Of Greece's largest enterprises, only the Heracles Cement Co. was nationalized (in 1983). Relations with labor were strained as the government sought to balance worker demands that wages be indexed to inflation with the growing need for austerity; in late 1986, the government imposed a two-year wage freeze, which provoked widespread strikes and demonstrations.
In 1985, Prime Minister Papandreou unexpectedly withdrew his support for President Karamanlis's bid for a second five-year term and announced amendments to the constitution that would transfer powers from the president to the legislature and prime minister. Karamanlis resigned and Papandreou proceeded with his proposed changes, calling an election in June and winning a mandate to follow through with them (parliament's approval was given in March 1986). Subsequently, however, the government began to lose power; the opposition made substantial gains in the 1986 local elections, and a 1987 scandal associated with Papandreou further weakened the government. In January 1988, Papandreou met with Turkish premier Turgut Ozal in Switzerland; they agreed to work toward solving the problems between the two countries.
Two rounds of parliamentary elections were held in 1989; neither was conclusive. After the June vote, the center-conservative New Democracy (ND) party, with 146 of 300 seats, formed a government with left wing parties and concentrated on investigating scandals of the Papandreou government, including those of the former prime minister himself. That government resigned in the fall, and new elections were held in November. The ND and PASOK both improved their totals and an all-party coalition was formed to address economic reform. That government, however, also failed. In April 1990 elections, the ND emerged victorious to lead the government.
In the balloting of 10 October 1993, PASOK won 171 seats to 110 for the ND and Papandreou was again elected prime minister, despite repeated scandals of both personal and political nature. In 1995, parliament appointed Konstandinos Stephanopoulos president. Voters appeared dissatisfied with ND's economic reforms while PASOK won support for its hardline foreign policy demanding that the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia change its name. Many Greeks believe the name of the newly independent state implies territorial designs on the northern Greek region, which once formed part of historic Macedonia. In 1995, Papandreou became ill and was not able to adequately perform his duties. In January 1996, PASOK named Costas Simitis prime minister. In June of that year, Papandreou died at 77, ending the tumultuous political career of postwar Greece's most important—and controversial—politician.
In 1996, Simitis, facing strong resistance to austerity measures from labor and farmers, called on the president to dissolve parliament and hold early elections. Simitis had vowed not to call for a dissolution, but faced with mounting opposition to his austerity measures—taken to prepare the Greek economy for European monetary union in 1999—felt he needed a reinforced mandate. The election, held on 22 September 1996, returned PASOK and Simitis to power, giving them, in fact, a commanding majority in parliament.
The next four years were highlighted by continued Greek-Turkish tension, and Simitis's push for Greek entry into the monetary union. Relations with Turkey reached a new low in early 1999 when Turkey's most-wanted man, Kurdish terrorist leader Abdullah Ocalan, was captured by the Turkish secret services in Nairobi, Kenya. Ocalan had sought refuge in the Greek embassy and was seized while en route to the airport, apparently on the way to an asylum-granting country in Africa. Ocalan's capture led to subsequent Turkish charges that the Greek state sponsored international terrorism.
The outbreak of a war in Kosovo little over a month later also placed Greece in an awkward diplomatic position. Although the overwhelming majority of the Greek public opposed the war, the Simitis government maintained its ties to NATO and offered logistical—although not combat—support to its allies. Nevertheless, the widespread anti-Western backlash remained for some months. Rioting greeted US president Bill Clinton when he visited Greece in November 1999.
Unexpectedly, relations with Turkey began to significantly improve in August 1999 following a devastating earthquake in Turkey that killed over 20,000 Turkish citizens. Greece was among the first countries to offer aid to its traditional foe. When a smaller earthquake struck Greece the following month, Turkey reciprocated the Greek gesture. In the aftermath of the tragedies, Greece and Turkey continued a dialogue that resulted in the signing of cooperation accords in the areas of commerce and the fight against terrorism. In addition, Greece supported the decision of the December 1999 European Union (EU) summit in Helsinki to place Turkey as a candidate for EU membership, which also contributed to improving relations between Greece and Turkey. When the EU in late 2002 announced Turkey would not be one of 10 new candidate countries invited to join the body as of 2004, Greece pressed the EU to set a date for the start of accession talks. Greece itself entered the euro zone on 1 January 2002.
Relations between the two countries also warmed due to cooperation on a project to build a natural gas pipeline connecting them; the pipeline was scheduled to be in operation by November 2006.
Negotiations between the Greek and Turkish leaders in Cyprus were held in early 2003 to see if they could agree on a plan to unify the island prior to Cyprus signing an EU accession treaty on 16 April. The talks failed, and the internationally recognized Greek government of Cyprus signed the accession treaty. However, later that month, Turkish-Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash opened the borders of northern Cyprus to Greeks, and by 15 May 2003, about 250,000 Greek Cypriots and 70,000 Turkish Cypriots—40% of the island's combined population—had visited each other's side.
Approximately 90% of Greece's population was opposed to the US-led war in Iraq that began on 19 March 2003. Prime Minister Costas Simitis indicated that by waging war, the United States and United Kingdom were undermining the EU. Yet he gave the coalition permission to use of Greece's airspace in launching strikes against Iraq.
Greece's international standing received a boost when the country hosted the 2004 Summer Olympics.
In February 2005, parliament elected Karolos Papoulias president by a vote of 279 out of 300 votes; he took office on 12 March 2005.
GOVERNMENT
Before the 1967 coup, executive power was vested in the crown but was exercised by a Council of Ministers appointed by the king and headed by a premier. The 1975 constitution abolished the 146-year-old Greek monarchy and created the office of president as head of state. If a majority in parliament fails to agree on the selection of a president, the office is filled in a general election. The president, who is limited to two five-year terms, appoints the prime minister, who is head of government and requires the confidence of parliament to remain in power. (The constitution was amended in 1986 to reduce the power of the president, limiting his right to dissolve parliament on his own initiative and depriving him of the right to dismiss the prime minister, veto legislation, or proclaim a state of emergency; basically, these powers were transferred to parliament.) The prime minister selects a cabinet from among the members of parliament.
Legislative power is vested in a parliament (Vouli), a unicameral body of 300 deputies elected by direct, universal, secret ballot for maximum four-year terms. A proportional electoral system makes it possible for a party with a minority of the popular vote to have a parliamentary majority. In the 1974 elections, voting was made compulsory for all persons aged 21–70 residing within 200 km (124 mi) of their constituencies. Suffrage is now universal and compulsory at age 18.
POLITICAL PARTIES
After World War II, political parties in Greece centered more on leaders than platforms. The Greek Rally, founded and led by Field Marshal Alexander Papagos, won control of the government in the 1951 elections. About 10% of the vote was received by the Union of the Democratic Left, a left wing party founded in 1951 as a substitute for the Communist Party, outlawed since 1947. When Papagos died in October 1955, Constantine Karamanlis formed a new party called the National Radical Union, which won the elections of 1956, 1958, and 1961 and held power until 1963, when Karamanlis resigned and the newly formed Center Union, comprising a coalition of liberals and progressives and led by George Papandreou, subsequently won a narrow plurality, with Papandreou becoming prime minister. In elections held in February 1964, the Center Union won 174 out of 300 seats; however, King Constantine dismissed Papandreou in July 1965, and Stephanos Stephanopoulos formed a new government. This government, too, was short-lived. Political conflict came to a head when Panayotis Kanellopoulos, leader of the National Radical Union, who had been appointed premier of a caretaker government, set new elections for 28 May 1967. On 21 April, however, a military coup resulted in the cancellation of elections and suppression of political parties, which lasted until 1974.
On 28 September 1974, following his return from exile, Karamanlis formed the New Democracy Party (Nea Dimokratia—ND), advocating a middle course between left and right and promoting closer ties with Western Europe. The Center Union–New Forces (EKND), renamed the Union of the Democratic Center (EDHK) in 1976, rallied liberal factions of the former Center Union and announced a line that generally paralleled ND policies. The EDHK disintegrated following the 1981 elections. Other groups to emerge, most of them led by former opponents of the junta, included the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (Panellinio Socialistiko Kinema—PASOK), led by Andreas Papandreou; the United Left (UL), which brought together elements of the Union of the Democratic Left and the Communist Party to oppose the upcoming elections; and the National Democratic Union (NDU), which represented an amalgam of various elements, including some royalists and right wing activists. Also in 1974, the Communist Party (Kommounistiko Komma Ellados—KKE) was made legal for the first time since 1947; the party later split into two factions, the pro-Soviet KKE-Exterior and the Eurocommunist wing, called the KKE-Interior. In May 1986, the KKE-Interior changed its name to the New Hellenic Left Party.
In the general elections held on 17 November 1974, the ND won an overwhelming majority in parliament, with the EKND forming the major opposition. The ND was again the winner in 1977, although its parliamentary majority dropped from 220 to 172. After parliament elected Karamanlis president in 1980, George Rallis succeeded him as prime minister. In the elections of 18 October 1981, Papandreou's PASOK won 48% of the popular vote and commanded a clear parliamentary majority. Although PASOK won again in the election of 2 June 1985, its share of the total votes cast fell to 45.8%.
In the elections of 10 October 1993, PASOK had about the same percentage (46.9%) and a majority of 171 seats. The ND followed with 110 seats and an offshoot party, Political Spring, had 10 seats. The Communists gained 9 places.
In the parliamentary elections of 22 September 1996, PASOK retained its majority, but lost 9 seats. ND emerged with 108 seats; the KKE, 11; Coalition of the Left and Progress, 10; and the Democratic and Social Movement Parties, 9. The Political Spring lost all its seats in the election, gaining only 2.95% of the popular vote.
PASOK continued its dominance of the post-1974 era with yet another victory at the polls on 9 April 2000. In a close election PASOK won 158 seats (43.8% of the vote), ND earned 125 seats (42.7%), the KKE held steady at 11 (5.5%), while the Coalition of the Left and Progress saw its share of the seats drop to 6 (3.2%). The Democratic Social Movement failed to clear the 3% hurdle needed for representation and Political Spring once again failed to win any seats.
Following the 7 March 2004 elections, ND increased its seats in parliament to 165 (45.5%), while PASOK's number declined to 117 (40.6%). The KKK gained one seat, winning 12 (5.9%), with the Coalition of the Left and Progress (Synaspismos) holding steady at 6 seats (3.3%).
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
The 1975 constitution restored the large measure of local self-government initially provided for in the constitution of 1952 and re-emphasized the principle of decentralization, although local units must depend on the central government for funding. Under the military regime of 1967–74, local units had been closely controlled by the central authorities.
Greece is divided into 13 regional governments (periferiarchis ), which are subdivided into 51 prefectures or nomarchies (nomoi ), in addition to the autonomous administration of Mt. Áthos (Aghion Oros) in Macedonia. Each prefecture is governed by a prefect (nomoi) who is elected. There are also 272 municipalities or demoi(cities of more than 10,000 inhabitants), administered by mayors; communes (with 300 to 10,000 inhabitants), each run by a president and a community council; and localities.
The rocky promontory of Mt. Áthos, southeast of Salonika, is occupied by 20 monasteries, of which 17 are Greek, one Russian, one Serbian, and one Bulgarian. Mt. Áthos is governed by a 4-member council and a 20-member assembly (1 representative from each monastery). The special status of Mt. Áthos was first formalized in the 1952 constitution.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
The 1975 constitution (Syntagma) has been revised twice, in 1985 and in 2001. The constitution provides for an independent judiciary.
The constitution designates the Supreme Court (Areios Pagos) as the highest court of appeal. It consists of both penal and civil sections. A Council of State does not hear cases but decides on administrative disputes, administrative violations of laws, and revision of disciplinary procedures affecting civil servants. The Comptrollers Council decides cases of a fiscal nature. The 1975 constitution also established a Special Supreme Tribunal as a final arbiter in disputes arising over general elections and referenda, in addition to exercising review of the constitutionality of laws. Other elements of the judicial system include justices of the peace, magistrates' courts, courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and various administrative courts. Judges of the Supreme Court, the courts of appeal, and the courts of first instance are appointed for life on the recommendation of the Ministry of Justice. The president has the constitutional right, with certain exceptions, to commute and reduce sentences.
ARMED FORCES
In 2005 Greece's active armed forces totaled 163,850 members and were supported by some 325,000 reservists. As of that year, there were 110,000 active personnel in the Army, 19,250 in the Navy, and 23,000 in the Air Force. The Greek field army has a large and varied combined arms structure, with units manned at three different levels of readiness: 85% are fully ready; 65% are ready within 24 hours; and 20% are ready within 48 hours. The 1,150 troops serving on Cyprus include 1 mechanized brigade. The Army operates 1,723 main battle tanks, 175 reconnaissance vehicles, 501 armored infantry fighting vehicles, 1,640 armored personnel carriers, and 4,660 artillery pieces. The Navy had 13 tactical submarines, 18 frigates, 4 corvettes, 36 patrol and coastal combatants, and 13 mine warfare vessels, as well as various amphibious and support vessels. The Navy's aviation arm is focused on antisubmarine warfare and search and rescue. The Air Force operated 283 combat capable aircraft in addition to 120 fixed and rotary wing transport aircraft. The paramilitary consisted of 4,000 coast guard and customs officers. Greek military personnel provided support to UN peacekeeping missions in seven countries or regions around the world. In 2005, the defense budget totaled $4.46 billion. The United States has one major naval base on Greek soil and several smaller installations.
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
Greece is a charter member of the United Nations (UN), having joined on 25 October 1945, and participates in ECE and several nonregional specialized agencies. Greece was admitted to NATO in 1951 but suspended its military participation (1974–80) because of the Cyprus conflict. It belongs to the Council of Europe, the OECD, OSCE, WTO, G-6, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Zone, and the Western European Union. Greece is also a permanent observer at the OAS. The country became a full member of the European Union as of 1 January 1981.
In August 1987, Greece and Albania signed a pact ending the state of war that had existed between them since World War II (1939–45). The Greek government continues to be in dispute with the neighboring Republic of Macedonia over the name of the latter. In 1995, Greece agreed to recognize the country as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Greece and Turkey have unresolved boundary disputes in the Aegean Sea and tension between the two countries has grown in connection with the Greek-Turkish disputes in the nation of Cyprus. Greece has supported UN operations and missions in Kosovo (est. 1999), Western Sahara (est. 1991), Ethiopia and Eritrea (est. 2000), and Georgia (est. 1993). Greece has guest status in the Nonaligned Movement.
Greece belongs to the Australia group, the Zangger Committee, the Nuclear energy Agency, the Nuclear Suppliers Group (London Group), and the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN). In environmental cooperation, Greece is part of the Antarctic Treaty, the Basel Convention, Conventions on Biological Diversity and Air Pollution, Ramsar, CITES, the London Convention, International Tropical Timber Agreements, the Kyoto Protocol, the Montréal Protocol, MARPOL, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the UN Conventions on the Law of the Sea, Climate Change and Desertification.
ECONOMY
The Greek economy suffers from a paucity of exploitable natural resources and a low level of industrial development relative to the rest of Western Europe. By 1992, it had fallen behind Portugal to become the poorest European Community (now European Union—EU) member; with the entrance into the EU of 10 primarily Eastern European nations in 2004, that was no longer the case. In 2004, agriculture (with forestry and fishing) generated about 7% of GDP but employed about 12% of the labor force. Agricultural exports include tobacco, cotton, wheat, raisins, currants, fresh fruits, tomato products, olive oil, and olives. In 2004, industry and construction accounted for about 22% of GDP and 20% of the labor force. Wholesale and retail trade and other services provided some 71% of GDP, employing 68% of the labor force.
Next to food processing, textile manufacturing used to be the most important industry, but chemicals and metals and machinery have outstripped it in recent years. Paper products has been a fast-growing industry since 1980. Greece has stimulated foreign investments in the development of its mineral resources by constitutionally providing guarantees for capital and profits. The government has encouraged tourism, which has developed into a major source of revenue (15% of GDP in 2004). Greece continues to play a dominant role in the international shipping industry.
During the late 1950s and 1960s, the government took steps to reclaim land, develop new farms, increase credits and investments for agriculture, protect agricultural prices, and improve the agricultural product and utilize it to the best advantage; however, the country still depends on many imports to meet its food needs. Industrial output contributed substantially to the rapid increase in national income after 1960, and manufacturing and service industries were the fastest-growing sectors in the 1970s. In the 1980s, however, the economy retracted sharply because of the worldwide recession and growth in real terms was sluggish. In the best year of the decade, 1988, GDP grew by 4.9%. In 1993, GDP dropped by 0.5%, but rebounded in 1995 by 2.0%. Inflation, which neared 20% in 1991, had been lowered to 8.1% in 1995, lower than the many European Union (EU) countries that struggled mightily with inflation in the mid-1990s. As Greece pursued an economic austerity program aimed at meeting the criteria for European economic and monetary union (EMU), inflation continued to fall, reaching less than 4% at the end of 1998. Greece entered into the EMU in 2001.
As of 2006, Greece had failed to meet the EU's Growth and Stability Pact budget deficit criteria of 3% of GDP since 2000. Greece is a recipient of EU aid, amounting to 3.3% of annual GDP. The country's public debt burden is a major drag on economic growth and prosperity, at 112% of GDP in 2004. Unemployment remained high at 10% in 2004 and the country was in need of introducing social insurance reform. Greece has a large public sector (some 40% of GDP), but is implementing privatization policies. Per capita GDP is about 70% of the leading eurozone economies. Public and private investment was strong in 2003, in preparation for the 2004 Olympic Games that were held in Athens; the Greek economy grew at a rate of approximately 4% in 2003 and 2004. Spending on the Olympic Games contributed to an estimated general government deficit of 6.6% of GDP in 2004; however, the deficit was forecast to fall substantially in 2005–07, although it was projected to remain above the 3% of GDP limit established by the EU's Growth and Stability Pact. GDP growth was expected to slow from 4.2% in 2004 to 3.4% in 2005, 3.1% in 2006, and 2.9% in 2007. Inflation was likely to rise from 3% in 2004 to 3.8% in 2005, driven by indirect tax rises and high international oil prices, before easing again to 3.3% in 2006 and 2.8% in 2007.
INCOME
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports that in 2005 Greece's gross domestic product (GDP) was estimated at $242.8 billion. The CIA defines GDP as the value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year and computed on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) rather than value as measured on the basis of the rate of exchange based on current dollars. The per capita GDP was estimated at $22,800. The annual growth rate of GDP was estimated at 3.3%. The average inflation rate in 2005 was 3.8%. It was estimated that agriculture accounted for 6.2% of GDP, industry 22.1%, and services 71.7%.
According to the World Bank, in 2003 remittances from citizens working abroad totaled $1.564 billion or about $142 per capita and accounted for approximately 0.9% of GDP.
The World Bank reports that in 2003 household consumption in Greece totaled $114.60 billion or about $10,418 per capita based on a GDP of $172.2 billion, measured in current dollars rather than PPP. Household consumption includes expenditures of individuals, households, and nongovernmental organizations on goods and services, excluding purchases of dwellings. It was estimated that for the period 1990 to 2003 household consumption grew at an average annual rate of 2.4%.
LABOR
In 2005, Greece's labor force was estimated at 4.72 million people. In 2004, it was estimated that agriculture accounted for 12% of the labor force, followed by industry at 20% and the services sector at 68%. Unemployment was estimated at 10.8% in 2005.
In 2005, about 26% of salaried, nonagricultural employees belonged to unions. Altogether, there were over 4,000 trade unions. Unions were organized on a territorial rather than a plant basis: all workers of a certain trade in a town usually belong to one union. On a nationwide scale, union members of the same trade or profession form a federation; the General Confederation of Greek Workers (GSEE) is the central core of the private sector union movement. Government plays an important role in labor-management relations. Collective bargaining and the right to strike are protected by law, although workers must give notice of an intent to strike (4 days for public utilities, 24 hours in the private sector). Because of a history of compulsory arbitration as a means to resolve labor disputes, unions successfully lobbied for new legislation, passed in 1992, which restricted the use of compulsory arbitration in favor of mediation procedures.
As of 2005, the maximum legal workweek is 40 hours in the private sector and 37.5 hours in the public sector. The minimum monthly salary negotiated by the GSEE for that same year was around $35 per day or $779 per month. This amount provided a decent standard of living for a family. Annual vacations (of up to a month) with pay are provided by law. In general, employment of children under the age of 15 in the industrial sector was prohibited. The minimum age for children employed in cinemas, theaters and family businesses was 12. Industrial health and safety standards are set by law and regularly enforced.
AGRICULTURE
Agriculture in Greece suffers not only from natural limitations, such as poor soils and droughts, but also from soil erosion, lack of fertilizers, and insufficient capital investment. The total farm labor force in 2003 was 129,900 full-time and nearly 1.4 million part-time workers.
About 30% of the land area is cultivable, and it supports over half of the population. Of the land under cultivation in 2003, about 72% was planted in seasonal crops, and 28% in orchards and vineyards. About 38% of the agricultural land was irrigated in 2003. Although agriculture accounts for 17% of the work force, its role in the economy is declining; in 2003 agriculture accounted for 7% of GDP, down from 25% in the 1950s.
In recent decades, Greek agriculture has been characterized by an increasing diversification of fruit crops for export. Agricultural production of principal crops in 2004 was estimated as follows (in thousands of tons): sugar beets, 2,300; corn, 2,300; olives, 2,130; tomatoes, 1,800; wheat, 1,800; peaches and nectarines, 955; oranges, 903; cotton, 359; apples, 288; barley, 220; and tobacco, 127.
Progress has been made toward modernization in machinery and cultivation techniques. Agricultural products, including processed foods, beverages, and tobacco, make up one-third of total exports. To expand agricultural production and encourage farm prosperity, the government exempts agricultural income from most taxes, extends liberal farm credits, and subsidizes agriculture. It also operates a service by which individual growers or cooperatives may hire heavy farm equipment at low prices, encourages the development of industries that use farm products, provides educational programs, and has sought to halt the trend toward ever-smaller farm holdings. There were 255,000 tractors, 5,150 harvester-threshers, and 13,450 milking machines in use in 2003.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
In 2005 there were 9,000,000 sheep, 5,400,000 goats, 1,000,000 hogs, 600,000 head of cattle, 68,000 donkeys, 29,000 horses, 28,000 mules, and 28,000,000 chickens. Although production of milk, meat, and cheese has risen greatly since the end of World War II (1939–45), Greece still must import substantial quantities of evaporated and condensed milk, cheese, cattle, sheep, hides, and meat. Estimated meat production in 2005 included 134,000 tons of poultry, 134,000 tons of pork, 124,000 tons of mutton and goat meat, and 75,000 tons of beef and veal. Livestock products in 2005 included (in thousands of tons) cow's milk, 780; sheep milk, 700; goat milk, 495; cheese, 246; eggs, 105; honey, 15; and butter, 4. Recent modernization in machinery has especially helped poultry and hog operations. Exports of dairy and egg products were valued at $216.4 million in 2004 (mostly going to European Union nations).
FISHING
The fishing industry has expanded and been modernized in recent years. In 2002, the Greek fishing fleet consisted of 19,504 vessels with 97,579 GRT, and there were 33,992 people employed in small scale fisheries. The total fish catch was 197,596 tons in 2003. A total of $317.2 million of fish and fish products were exported that year. In the north of Greece, freshwater fisheries have been restocked and developed, but the inland catch only accounted for 3% of total volume in 2003.
Sponge fishing, formerly an important undertaking in the Dodecanese and other regions, decreased in volume from 135.5 tons of sponges in 1955 to 2.5 tons in 2003.
FORESTRY
Forests cover about 28% of the total area. Much of the forest area was destroyed during the 1940s, but the government's reforestation program planted more than 100 million trees during the 1970s and 1980s. Pine, fir, and oak are the most common trees, and resin and turpentine are the principal products. In 2004, 1,672,000 cu m (59,022,000 cu ft) of roundwood were harvested, including 1.073 million cu m (37.88 million cu ft) of firewood. Sawn wood production in 2004 totaled 196,000 cu m (6,911,000 cu ft), and wood-based panels, 770,000 cu m (27.2 million cu ft). Production of timber is insufficient to meet the domestic demand, and many forestry products are imported. Total trade in forestry products in 2003 amounted to $929 million imports and $112.4 million in exports.
MINING
The minerals industry, consisting of the mining, industrial minerals, and metal processing sectors, was a small but important part of the national economy. Greece, the only Balkan country in the European Union (EU), was the union's largest producer of bauxite, magnesium, nickel, and perlite, and was second to the United States in bentonite production (from Milos Island). Chromite (from Tsingeli Mines, near Volos) and zinc (from Kassandra Mines, in Olympias and Stratoni) were other important commodities. Greek marble, produced in all parts of the country, continued to play a leading role in the international dimension stone market because of its versatility and many colors (ash, black, brown, green, pink, red, and multicolored). With the exception of bauxite, Greece's mines operated far below their productive capacity. A relatively small industrial base, lack of adequate investment, and distance from EU markets, have restricted the export potential of the country. The emerging Balkan markets could offer opportunities for growth. About 50% of the country's mineral production was exported. Northern Greece was thought to contain a significant amount of exploitable mineral resources, and most new activities were directed toward gold.
Production in 2003 of bauxite was 2.418 million metric tons, compared to 2,468,865 metric tons in 2002. Nickel (content of ferronickel) output in 2003 was estimated at 18,000 metric tons, while crude perlite production in that year was estimated at 850,000 metric tons, up from 838,997 metric tons in 2002. Other types of magnesite produced were dead-burned, caustic-calcined, and crude huntite/hydromagnesite, which had unique flame-retardant properties. Grecian Magnesite S.A., with its openpit mine at Yerakini, was a leading magnesite producer in the western world. Also produced in 2003 were alumina, lead, manganese, silver, barite, cement, kaolin, feldspar, gypsum (from Crete), anhydrite, nitrogen, pozzolan (Santorin earth, from Milos), pumice (from Yali), salt, silica, sodium compounds, dolomite, marble, flysch, quartz, sulfur, zeolite, and crude construction materials. No asbestos was produced in 2003. Other mineral deposits of commercial importance were antimony, gold (placer dredger), asbestos, emery, ceramic clay, talc, and limestone. Industrial processing of mineral ores was very limited until the 1960s and 1970s, when facilities for refining nickeliferous iron ore and bauxite were developed.
ENERGY AND POWER
Coal and oil are imported to supply power for the many small generating plants spread over the country. Before World War II, the Athens-Piraiévs Electricity Co. operated the only modern plant in Greece, which ran on imported coal. In 1950, the government-organized Public Power Corp. was established to construct and operate electricity generating plants and power transmission and distribution lines; by 1955, it had erected four major power plants. In 1965, the first two units of the Kremasta hydroelectric station were opened; by 2001, installed capacity totaled 10.2 million kW. Production of electricity increased from 8,991 million kWh in 1970 to 50,400 million kWh in 2000, of which 91.5% was provided by thermal power, 6.6% by hydroelectric stations, and the rest by other sources. It has been estimated that 15% of Greece's energy needs can be supplied by wind power by 2010, and there are wind farms on Crete, Andors, and a number of other Greek islands. As of 2002, solar water heaters were used in 20% of Greek homes.
As of 2003, 63% of Greece's total energy consumption came from oil. Greece has actively explored offshore oil resources. A field off Thásos in the northern Aegean began operations in July 1981. Total production, however, fell from 25,000 to 6,000 barrels per day between 1986 and 1998. In 2004, oil production totaled an estimated 6,411 barrels per day, of which crude oil accounted for 2,836 barrels per day, from reserves estimated at 7 million barrels, as of 1 January 2005. Consumption in 2004 totaled an estimated 429,000 barrels per day, making Greece strongly reliant on imported oil, mostly from Russia, Libya, OPEC, the Persian Gulf, and Egypt. Natural gas production in 2003 totaled an estimated 1.0 billion cu ft, compared with an estimated consumption of 86 billion cu ft for that same year. Two-thirds of Greece's imports of natural gas come from Russia, with the remainder from Algeria. Greece's only substantial fossil fuel resource is brown coal, or lignite. Its lignite reserves totaled an estimated 4,299 million short tons in 2003, with production and consumption estimated at 75.3 million short tons and 76 million short tons, respectively for that same year.
INDUSTRY
Manufacturing, which now ranks ahead of agriculture as an income earner, has increased rapidly owing to a vigorous policy of industrialization. However, Greek industry must rely on imports for its raw materials, machinery, parts, and fuel. Greece has only a rudimentary iron and steel industry and does not manufacture basic transport equipment, such as cars and trucks. Industry is concentrated in the Athens area.
Chief industries in 2006 were food, beverages and tobacco; metals and metals manufactures; machinery and electrical goods; chemicals; textiles; and nonmetallic minerals. Although the government controls certain basic industries, such as electric power and petroleum refining, most industry is privately owned. The portion of government-controlled industries is declining as the state has divested itself of substantial control over key holdings such as Olympic Airways and the telecommunications company, OTE. There is substantial room for investment in tourism infrastructure.
The industrial sector accounted for 22% of GDP in 2004, and it grew by 4.1% that year. High technology equipment is a growth sector, as are the production of electrical machinery, office machinery and computers, defense products, building products and equipment, medical equipment, environmental engineering products and services, and certain agricultural products.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The Academy of Athens, founded in 1926, oversees the activities of research institutes in astronomy and applied mathematics and in atmospheric physics and climatology. Greece has five other scientific research institutes. Specialized scientific learned societies include the Association of Greek Chemists, founded in 1924, and the Greek Mathematical Society, founded in 1918, both headquartered in Athens. Advanced scientific and technical training is provided at nine colleges and universities. The University of Athens has maintained a zoological museum since 1858. In the early 1980s, the government established a Ministry of Research and Technology to foster scientific and technological development.
In the period 1987–97, science and engineering students accounted for 26% of university enrollment. In 2001, Greece had 1,357 scientists and engineers per million people who were engaged in research and development (R&D). In that same year, total spending on R&D amounted to 1,226.070 million, or 0.65% of GDP. The government sector accounted for the largest portion of R&D spending in 2001 at 46.6%, followed by the business sector at 33.1%. Foreign sources accounted for 18.4%, with higher education accounting for 2%. In 2002, high technology exports by Greece totaled $524 million, or 10% of the country's manufactured exports.
DOMESTIC TRADE
Industry and trade are centered on about 20 seaports throughout the country. Athens, Piraeus, and Thessaloniki are the principal commercial cities; importers and exporters have offices in these cities and branches in other centers. There are about 300,000 wholesale and retail trading establishments in the country.
In general, small shops specialize in particular lines of merchandise, but there are a growing number of department stores. Most people buy in the small shops and in the markets. Usual private sector business hours are from 8 or 9 am to 5 pm Monday through Friday. Banking hours are from 8:30 am to 2 pm Monday through Friday. Stores are open from 9 am to 6 pm, Monday through Saturday, but some have longer evening hours. Businesses are often closed for extended vacations throughout July and August, reopening in September after the annual trade fair.
Advertising is used widely in the towns and cities, and several advertising agencies are active in Athens and Thessaloniki. The most common media are television, newspapers, radio, films, billboards, neon signs, and window displays. The principal annual trade fair is the International Fair of Thessaloniki, held in September.
Country | Exports | Imports | Balance |
World | 13,671.4 | 44,856.5 | -31,185.1 |
Germany | 1,757.3 | 5,654.0 | -3,896.7 |
Italy-San Marino-Holy See | 1,470.3 | 5,625.0 | -4,154.7 |
United Kingdom | 999.6 | 1,856.3 | -856.7 |
United States | 878.3 | 2,264.6 | -1,386.3 |
Bulgaria | 834.1 | 419.5 | 414.6 |
Cyprus | 642.8 | … | 642.8 |
France-Monaco | 581.7 | 3,004.2 | -2,422.5 |
Turkey | 532.5 | 881.6 | -349.1 |
Spain | 501.9 | 1,633.9 | -1,132.0 |
Macedonia | 364.4 | … | 364.4 |
(…) data not available or not significant. |
FOREIGN TRADE
Garments and cotton have traditionally provided Greece with the most exports, followed by petroleum products; fruit, nuts, and vegetable oils; and tobacco. Tobacco exports from Greece are substantial on the world commodities export market. In 2004, the major exports were machinery (19.3% of all exports), food (17.1%), and transportation (13.7%, not including services). The major imports in 2004 were machinery (20.7% of all imports), chemicals and plastics (14.2%), and food (13.7%). Trade is the second-largest services sub-sector, after property management. The transportation and communications sector has grown in importance following the liberalization of the telecommunications market, while the financial services sector also increased in the mid-2000s. Greece's leading markets in 2004 were Germany (12.6% of all exports), Italy (10.5%), the United Kingdom (7%), and France (4.2%). Leading suppliers included Germany (12.3% of all imports), Italy (12%), France (6.5%), and the Netherlands (5.1%).
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Because it imports more than twice the value of its exports, Greece has registered chronic annual deficits in its balance of payments. The major contributors to Greece's foreign exchange earnings are tourism, shipping services, and remittances from Greek workers abroad. Greece's relatively small industrial base and lack of substantial investment since the mid-1990s limited the country's export potential. Greece's productive base expanded in 1999 and 2000, however, in part due to a thriving stock exchange, and low interest rates. A devaluation of the drachma in 1998 and Greece's inclusion in the euro zone in 1999 restored Greek competitiveness. Merchandise exports amounted to $15.7 billion in 2004 and imports to $47.4 billion, while the current-account deficit was $13 billion. The current-account balance averaged -6.7% from 2001–05.
BANKING AND SECURITIES
The government-controlled Bank of Greece (founded in 1927) is the central bank and the bank of issue; it also engages in other banking activities, although the European Central Bank is in charge of monetary policy. There are 33 Greek commercial banks, which are dominated by two massive, state-controlled banking groups, the National Bank and the Commercial Bank. Nineteen of the commercial banks are foreign, including three American banks. The two leading private banks are Alpha Credit and Ergo, which ranked third and fifth, respectively, in 1997 in the Greek banking industry in terms of assets. Banks still must redeposit 70% of all their foreign exchange deposits with the Bank of Greece at the going interest rate plus a small commission. In 1999, as part of a general privatization program, the government began selling shares in the National Bank of Greece and Ionian Bank was sold outright and taken over by Alpha Credit.
The Currency Committee, composed of five cabinet ministers, controls the eight specialized credit institutions: the Agricultural Bank, National Investment Bank, National Investment Bank for Industrial Development, Hellenic Industrial Development Bank, National Mortgage Bank, Mortgage Bank, Postal Savings Bank, and Consignments and Loans Fund. The money supply in 2001, as measured by M1, was 24.7 billion euros. The International Monetary Fund reports that in 2001, currency and demand deposits—an aggregate commonly known as M1—were equal to $22.2 billion. In that same year, M2—an aggregate equal to M1 plus savings deposits, small time deposits, and money market mutual funds—was $129.6 billion.
The Athens Stock Exchange (Chrimatisterion) was founded by royal decree in 1876. In 1967, significant reforms were instituted, including more stringent listing requirements, bringing about a rapid increase in the number of listed securities. New legislation was introduced in 1988 to expand and liberalize its activities. The rule changes provided for the establishment of brokerage companies, thus breaking the traditional closed shop of individual brokers. In 1997 there were 53 brokerage houses and just 6 private brokers. Computerized trading was implemented in 1992 and there has since been a rapid evolution of the market. The aim is
Current Account | -11,225.0 | ||
Balance on goods | -25,606.0 | ||
Imports | -38,184.0 | ||
Exports | 12,578.0 | ||
Balance on services | 13,033.0 | ||
Balance on income | -2,924.0 | ||
Current transfers | 4,272.0 | ||
Capital Account | 1,411.0 | ||
Financial Account | 6,168.0 | ||
Direct investment abroad | -9.0 | ||
Direct investment in Greece | 717.0 | ||
Portfolio investment assets | -9,807.0 | ||
Portfolio investment liabilities | 23,456.0 | ||
Financial derivatives | 111.0 | ||
Other investment assets | -4,413.0 | ||
Other investment liabilities | -3,887.0 | ||
Net Errors and Omissions | -1,076.0 | ||
Reserves and Related Items | 4,722.0 | ||
(…) data not available or not significant. |
to secure total dematerialization of shares and to allow brokers to screen-trade from their offices. A satellite trading floor was established in Thessaloniki in 1995. In 1996, Greek law was harmonized with the European Union financial services directive, and banks may now be directly represented on the floor of the exchange instead of having to establish subsidiary brokerage houses. The late 1990s witnessed a boom on the exchange. In 1998, the index rose 85%, while the first five months of 1999 saw a further jump of 43.7%. However, this expansion did not continue into the new millennium. Between 2002 and 2003, the index lost 33.1% of its value. As of 2004, a total of 340 companies were listed on the Athens Stock Exchange (ASE), which had a market capitalization of $125.242 billion that year. In 2004, the ASE rose 23.1% from the previous year to 2,786.2.
INSURANCE
Most of Greece's large insurance companies are partly or wholly owned by banks. In addition, insurers are required to join several unions, trade groups, and insurance pools. Brokers in Greece also must be accepted by the Ministry of Trade. In Greece, the social security scheme and third-party automobile liability insurance are compulsory. In 2003, the direct premiums written were valued at $3.668 billion, of which nonlife premiums accounted for $2.040 billion. Ethniki was the country's largest nonlife and life insurer in 2003, with total gross earned non life premiums (including personal accident and inwards reinsurance) and gross written life insurance premiums valued at $361.2 million and $258.3 million respectively.
Insurance companies have begun to develop private pension schemes and corporate pension schemes. However, most occupational pension funds remain under state control because they are part financed by state-enacted levies. Insurance companies have also been responsible for the recent explosion in unit trusts (mutual funds), from two in 1989 to 152 in December 1995, when there were more than D2 trillion (7.8% of GDP) under management.
PUBLIC FINANCE
The state budget includes ordinary revenues and expenditures and a special investment budget administered by the Ministry of Coordination. The public sector, which employs 15% of the workforce, has many more civil servants than required for a country the size of Greece. Public payrolls, liberal social security benefits, and loss-generating state owned companies have all contributed to a government deficit. Recent austerity measures implemented to meet the criteria for European Monetary Union membership significantly lowered the budget shortfall.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimated that in 2005 Greece's central government took in revenues of approximately $94.1 billion and had expenditures of $103.4 billion. Revenues minus expenditures totaled approximately -$9.2 billion. Public debt in 2005 amounted to 108.9% of GDP. Total external debt was $75.1 billion.
TAXATION
The corporate income tax rate in Greece in 2005 was 32%. The profits of general partnerships (OE) and limited partnerships (EE) were taxed at 25%. A discount of 2.5% was given to companies that settled their corporate tax liability in full when they filed their
Revenue and Grants | 57,882 | 100.0% |
Tax revenue | 31,682 | 54.7% |
Social contributions | 16,648 | 28.8% |
Grants | 1,351 | 2.3% |
Other revenue | 8,201 | 14.2% |
Expenditures | 59,244 | 100.0% |
General public services | … | … |
Defense | … | … |
Public order and safety | … | … |
Economic affairs | … | … |
Environmental protection | … | … |
Housing and community amenities | … | … |
Health | … | … |
Recreational, culture, and religion | … | … |
Education | … | … |
Social protection | … | … |
(…) data not available or not significant. |
tax returns. A surcharge is applied to gross rental income, but the surcharge is not to exceed the primary corporate tax. Capital gains were taxed at rates between 20% and 35%. Dividends paid to the corporate or individual shareholder are not taxed. Interest paid to Greek legal entities is 20% and 35% to foreign legal entities that do not have a permanent establishment in Greece.
The progressive personal income tax schedule for 2005 has a top rate of 40%. Various deductions or tax credits can be applied to taxable income for medical and hospitalization expenses; social security taxes; interest payments on home loans; and donations to charitable organizations, with special deductions for families whose income is derived primarily from their own work on agricultural enterprises. The withholding tax is 15% on interest income from banks and 10% on interest income derived from treasury bills and corporate bands. There is a 20% tax on royalty payments, but these are often reduced or eliminated in bilateral double tax prevention treaties, of which Greece has concluded more than 35. Gift and inheritance taxes, property taxes on large estates having a certain value, real estate transfer taxes, and taxes on urban property and rural property are also levied.
The main indirect tax in Greece is its value-added tax (VAT) introduced in January 1987. The standard VAT rate in 2005 was 19%. There were also three reduced rates—0% on domestic transportation, lawyers and land registrar fees; 4.5% on books and newspapers; and 9% on foodstuffs, agricultural products and medical materials. Excise duties are charged on tobacco, alcohol, gasoline, and automobiles.
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
The import tariff protects domestic products and provides a source of government revenue. Many Greek industries are not yet large enough or sufficiently modern to compete in price with foreign products, either in markets abroad or in Greece itself. As a full member of the European Union (EU) since 1981, Greece eliminated its remaining tariffs and quotas on imports from EU nations by 1986 and aligned its own tariffs on imports from other countries with those of EU members. Greek exports to EU countries are tariff-free. Imports from non-EU countries are subject to the EU's common customs tariff. Most raw materials enter duty-free, while manufactured goods have rates between 5% and 7%. Textiles, electronics, and some food products have higher rates. Motor vehicles, yachts, and motorcycles are subject to special duties. In addition, Greece imposes an 8–19% value-added tax and special consumption taxes on alcohol and tobacco.
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
The government encourages foreign capital investment and protects foreign investors against compulsory appropriation of their assets in Greece. Incentives include reduced tax rates and increased depreciation rates.
Total direct foreign investment (FDI) was estimated at $3.78 billion in 1995. From 1995 to 1997, FDI inflow averaged about $1 billion a year. In the wake of the Russian financial crisis of 1998, FDI inflow fell to $700 million in 1998 and to $567 million in 1999. FDI inflow in 2000 reached over $1 billion and grew to a record $1.56 billion in 2001. In 2002, FDI inflow fell nearly 90% to $50.3 million. For the period 1999 to 2002, FDI inflow averaged about $833 million.
Outward FDI flow was $542 million in 1999, over $2 billion in 2000, and $611 million in 2001. Outward FDI increased to $655.3 million in 2002. For the period 1999 to 2002, average outward FDI from Greece was $993.3 billion.
From 2001–05, FDI inflows averaged 0.6% of GDP. The corporate tax rate was being cut from 35% to 32% on income earned in 2005, to 29% on income earned in 2006, and to 25% on income earned in 2007. Value-added tax (VAT) is levied at 19%, 8%, and 4.5%. Although there is no official estimate of total foreign investment in Greece, as of 2002 the total stock of FDI was estimated at $6 billion, or approximately 4.3% of GDP. Greece's investment abroad is directed primarily to the Balkans. Greek direct investment in the Balkans was estimated at $3.6 billion in 2002.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Until the mid-1970s, Greek governments devoted themselves principally to expanding agricultural and industrial production, controlling prices and inflation, improving state finances, developing natural resources, and creating basic industries. In 1975, the Karamanlis government undertook a series of austerity measures designed to curb inflation and redress the balance-of-payments deficit. A new energy program included plans for stepped-up exploitation of oil and lignite reserves, along with uranium exploration in northern Greece. Increased efforts at import substitution were to be undertaken in all sectors. On 7 March 1975, in an effort to strengthen confidence in the national currency, the government announced that the value of the drachma would no longer be quoted in terms of a fixed link with the US dollar, but would be based on daily averages taken from the currencies of Greece's main trade partners.
The Socialist government that took office in 1981 promised more equal distribution of income and wealth through "democratic planning" and measures to control inflation and increase productivity. It imposed controls on prices and credit and began to restructure public corporations. But the government was cautious in introducing what it called "social control in certain key sectors" of the economy, and it ordered detailed studies to be made first. Its development policies emphasized balanced regional growth and technological modernization, especially in agriculture. The conservative government that came to power in 1990 adopted a 1991–93 "adjustment program" that called for reduction of price and wage increases and a reduction in the public-sector deficit from 13% to 3% of GDP. Twenty-eight industrial companies were to be privatized.
The chief goal of the Simitis government was admission to the European Monetary Union (EMU). As a consequence, his government instituted an austerity program aimed to tackle chronically high inflation, unemployment, and a bloated public sector. By 1998–99, these policies showed significant progress. Greece gained admission to the EMU in 2001, and adopted the euro as its new currency in 2002. The Greek economy was growing at rates above European Union (EU) averages from 2002–05; however, unemployment and inflation rates were still higher than in most euro-area countries. In 2004, Greece's general government debt stood at approximately 112% of GDP. Greece benefits from EU aid, equal to about 3.3% of GDP.
Privatization of state-owned enterprises has moved at a relatively slow pace, especially in the telecommunications, banking, aerospace, and energy sectors. In 2003, preparations for the 2004 Olympics drove investment, but spending on the Olympic Games contributed to a general government deficit of 6.6% of GDP in 2004. With the aid of EU grants, Greece will need to update its infrastructure, especially in the northern regions and on the islands. Improvements in road, rail, harbor, and airport links financed through the EU's Community Support Framework (CSF) programs have contributed to economic decentralization.
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
The Social Insurance Foundation, the national social security system, is supported by contributions from employees, employers and the government. It provides for old age, disability and survivorship. Work injury and unemployment benefits are also provided. Sickness and maternity benefits have been in place since 1922. Current benefits include medical care, hospitalization, medicine, maternity care, dental coverage, appliances, and transportation. Payments also include birth and funeral grants.
Although the law mandates equal pay for equal work, according to statistics in 2004 women's pay amounted to 75.5% of men's pay. Domestic violence and rape remains underreported, and the number of prosecutions and convictions is low. Women are beginning to enter traditionally male-oriented careers such as law and medicine, but only make up 42.5% of the work force. Sexual harassment is specifically prohibited by law.
Occasional human rights abuses, involving residents, illegal aliens and persons in custody, have been reported. Government measures to improve prison conditions continue. The constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of nationality, race, language, religion, or political beliefs. In practice the government does not always protect these rights.
HEALTH
Since World War II, the government has broadened health services by building new hospitals and providing more clinics and medical personnel. Total health care expenditure was estimated at 8.4% of GDP. As of 2004, there were an estimated 410 physicians per 100,000 people. There are severe air quality problems in Athens. Pulmonary tuberculosis, dysentery, and malaria, which were once endemic, have been controlled. The incidence of typhoid, which was formerly of epidemic proportions, dropped to only 149 cases in 1985 following the application of US aid to improve sanitary conditions in more than 700 villages. At present, 100% of the population has access to safe water. In 2005, the infant mortality rate was 5.53 per 1,000 live births. The total fertility rate in 1980 (2.2) has dropped to 1.3 as of 2000. The birthrate was an estimated 9.8 per 1,000 people. The sharp birth rate decline since World War II has been attributed to the legalization of abortion. In 2005, life expectancy averaged 79.09 years. As of 2002, the overall mortality rate was estimated at 9.8 per 1,000 people.
The HIV/AIDS prevalence was 0.10 per 100 adults in 2003. As of 2004, there were approximately 600 people living with HIV/AIDS in the country. There were an estimated 200 deaths from AIDS in 2003.
HOUSING
Construction of new dwellings (including repairs and extensions) reached 88,477 units in 1985 and rose to 120,240 in 1990. Most new construction is in Athens or Thessaloniki, indicating the emphasis on urban development. Considerable amounts of private investment have been spent on the construction of apartment houses in urban areas. In 2001, the total number of dwelling units was 5,476,162. About 47.9% of all dwelling units are owner occupied. About 40% of all dwellings are single household homes.
EDUCATION
Education is free and compulsory for nine years beginning at age six, and primary education lasts for six years. Secondary education is comprised of two steps: first three years, followed by an additional three years of college preparation. At the upper secondary levels, students may choose to attend a three-year vocational school. The central and local governments pay the cost of state schools, and private schools are state-regulated. The academic year runs from September to June. Greek is the primary language of instruction.
In 2001, about 68% of children between the ages of four and five were enrolled in some type of preschool program. Primary school enrollment in 2003 was estimated at about 99% of age-eligible students. The same year, secondary school enrollment was about 86% of age-eligible students. Nearly all students complete their primary education. The student-to-teacher ratio for primary school was at about 12:1 in 2003; the ratio for secondary school was about 9:1.
In July 1982, the Socialist government initiated a program to democratize the higher-education system; a law was approved that diminished the power of individual professors by establishing American-style departments with integrated faculties. Junior faculty members and representatives of the student body were granted a role in academic decision-making. The legislation also curbed university autonomy by establishing the National University Council to advise the government on higher-education planning, and the Academy of Letters and Sciences to set and implement university standards.
Greece has six major universities: Athens, Salonika, Thrace, Ioánnina, Crete, and Pátrai—together with the National Technical University of Athens, the new University of the Aegean, and the Technical University of Crete, plus seven special institutions of higher education. There are several technological educational institutions, which offer nondegree programs of higher education. Private universities are constitutionally banned. In 2003, about 74% of the tertiary age population were enrolled in some type of higher education program. The adult literacy rate for 2004 was estimated at about 91%, with 94% for men and 88.3% for women.
As of 2003, public expenditure on education was estimated at 4% of GDP, or 7% of total government expenditures.
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
The National Library traces its origins to 1828, when it was established on the island of Aíyina; the library was moved to its present site in Athens in 1903 and today has more than 2.5 million volumes. Both the National Library and the Library of Parliament (1.5 million volumes) act as legal depositories for Greek publications and are open to the public. Public libraries are located mainly in provincial capitals, and there are regional libraries with book-mobile services for rural areas.
Besides the libraries attached to the universities and other educational institutions, there are several specialized research libraries located in Athens. Outstanding special collections can be found at the Democritus Nuclear Research Center (91,000 volumes), the Center of Planning and Economic Research (30,000 volumes), the Athens Center of Ekistics (30,000 volumes), and the Gennadius Library (80,000 volumes), which houses a large collection on modern Greek history. Being at the crossroads of different civilizations and an important European country, there are several libraries attached to various cultural and ethnic studies centers. Notable among these are the libraries of the Institute for Balkan Studies in Thessaloniki, the British Council, the Society for Byzantine Studies in Athens, and the Center for Asia Minor Studies in Athens.
Most museums are devoted to antiquities and archaeology. One of the richest collections of Greek sculpture and antiquities is found at the National Archaeological Museum in Athens, which is also home to the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Benaki Museum, and Kanellopoulos Museum. The most impressive archaeological remains, of course, are the great temples and palaces at Athens (particularly the Parthenon and the Stoa of Attalos), Corinth, Salonika, Delphi, Olympia, Mycenae, the island of Delos, and Knossos, on Crete. There are also notable museums dedicated to the work of other cultures, including the Byzantine Museum and the Jewish Museum, both in Athens. Among the newer facilities are the Hellenic Children's Museum (1987), the Museum of Greek Popular Musical Instruments (1991), the Museum of Delphic Celebrations of Angelos and Eva Sikelianou (1991), the Nikolaos Parantinos Museum of Sculpture (1991), and the Maria Callas Museum (2003) all located in Athens.
MEDIA
The Greek Telecommunications Authority operates domestic telegraph and telephone communications. In 2003, there were an estimated 454 mainline telephones for every 1,000 people; about 1,700 people were on a waiting list for telephone service installation. The same year, there were approximately 902 mobile phones in use for every 1,000 people.
Radio Athens broadcasts are carried by provincial relay stations located in various parts of the country; other stations are operated by the Greek armed forces and by the Hellenic National Radio and Television Institute. There are numerous independent radio and television stations. In 2003, there were an estimated 466 radios and 519 television sets for every 1,000 people. The same year, there were 81.7 personal computers for every 1,000 people and 150 of every 1,000 people had access to the Internet. There were 290 secure Internet servers in the country in 2004.
In 2002, there were over 150 daily papers throughout the country. The largest Athens dailies (with estimated 2002 circulation rates) are To Vima (250,000), Eleftheros Typos (167,186), Ta Nea (135,000), Ethnos(84,700), Apogevmatini (72,900), and Avriani (51,300).
The constitution provides for freedom of speech and press, and with a few exceptions the government is said to respect these rights. On matters involving the politically sensitive subject of the recognition of certain ethnic minorities, it is reported that the government is restrictive. The constitution also allows for seizure of publications that insult the president, offend religious beliefs, contain obscene articles, advocate violent overthrow of the political system, or disclose military and defense information. However, such action is very rare.
ORGANIZATIONS
Most of the larger cities and towns have associations of commerce, industry, handicrafts, and finance. There are some consumers' and producers' cooperatives; chambers of commerce and industry function in Athens, Piraiévs, and Salonika. There are professional and trade organizations for a variety of occupations and industries, such as the Association of Greek Honey Processors and Exporters, the Greek Association of Industries and Processors of Olive Oil, and the PanHellenic Association of Meat-Processing Industries. The Federation of Greek Industries draws together many of these business and manufacturing organizations.
The Academy of Athens serves to promote public interest in science and works to improve availability and effectiveness in science education programs. Artists, writers, musicians, educators, and journalists are organized into professional associations. Scholarly societies include those devoted to archaeology, anthropology, geography, history, political science, and sociology. Several professional associations also promote research and education in their field.
National youth organizations in Greece include the Greek Democratic Socialist Youth, Girl Guides and Girl Scouts of Greece, the Association of Boy Scouts, YMCA/YWCA, the Greek Youth Federation, the Radical Left Youth, and the Student and Scientist Christian Association of Greece. There are several sports organization in Greece, including the historical societies of the Hellenic Federation of Ancient Olympic Games and the International Society of Olympic Historians. The World Chess Federation is based in Athens.
There are national chapters of the Red Cross Society, Caritas, and Amnesty International.
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
Principal tourist sites, in addition to the world-famous Parthenon and Acropolis in Athens, include Mt. Olympus (the home of the gods in ancient mythology), the site of the ancient oracle at Delphi, the Agora at Corinth, the natural spring at the rock of the Acropolis, and the Minoan ruins on Crete. Operas, concerts, ballet performances, and ancient Greek dramas are presented at the Athens Festival each year from July to September; during July and August, Greek classics also are performed in the open-air theater at Epidaurus, 40 km (25 mi) east of Árgos. Popular sports include swimming at the many beaches, sailing, water-skiing, fishing, golf, and mountain climbing.
The Greek government encourages tourists and facilitates their entry and accommodation. A passport is needed for admission; residents of the United States, Australia, Canada, and 37 other countries do not require a visa for a stay of up to 90 days.
About 14,180,000 tourists visited Greece in 2002. There were 330,970 hotel rooms in 2003 with 628,170 beds. The average length of stay that same year was seven nights.
In 2005, the US Department of State estimated the cost of staying in Athens at $294 per day. Elsewhere in the country, daily expenses ranged from $53 to $296.
FAMOUS GREEKS
The origins of Western literature and of the main branches of Western learning may be traced to the era of Greek greatness that began before 700 bc with the epics of Homer (possibly born in Asia Minor), the Iliadand the Odyssey. Hesiod (fl.700 bc), the first didactic poet, put into epic verse his descriptions of pastoral life, including practical advice on farming, and allegorical myths. The poets Alcaeus (620?–580? bc), Sappho (612?–580? bc), Anacreon (582?–485? bc), and Bacchylides (fl.5th cent. bc) wrote of love, war, and death in lyrics of great feeling and beauty. Pindar (522?–438? bc) celebrated the Panhellenic athletic festivals in vivid odes. The fables of the slave Aesop (b.Asia Minor, 620?–560? bc) have been famous for more than 2,500 years. Three of the world's greatest dramatists were Aeschylus (525–456 bc), author of the Oresteia trilogy; Sophocles (496?–406? bc), author of the Theban plays; and Euripides (485?–406? bc), author of Medea, The Trojan Women, and The Bacchae. Aristophanes (450?–385? bc), the greatest author of comedies, satirized the mores of his day in a series of brilliant plays. Three great historians were Herodotus (b.Asia Minor, 484?–420? bc), regarded as the father of history, known for The Persian Wars; Thucydides (460?–400? bc), who generally avoided myth and legend and applied greater standards of historical accuracy in his History of the Peloponnesian War; and Xenophon (428?–354? bc), best known for his account of the Greek retreat from Persia, the Anabasis. Outstanding literary figures of the Hellenistic period were Menander (342–290? bc), the chief representative of a newer type of comedy; the poets Callimachus (b.Libya, 305?–240? bc), Theocritus (b.Italy, 310?–250? bc), and Apollonius Rhodius (fl.3d cent. bc), author of the Argonautica; and Polybius (200?–118? bc), who wrote a detailed history of the Mediterranean world. Noteworthy in the Roman period were Strabo (b.Asia Minor, 64? bc–ad 24?), a writer on geography; Plutarch (ad 46?–120?), the father of biography, whose Parallel Lives of famous Greeks and Romans is a chief source of information about great figures of antiquity; Pausanias (b.Asia Minor, fl. ad 150), a travel writer; and Lucian (ad 120?–180?), a satirist.
The leading philosophers of the period preceding Greece's golden age were Thales (b.Asia Minor, 625?–547? bc), Pythagoras (570?–500? bc), Heraclitus (b.Asia Minor, 540?–480? bc), Protagoras (485?–410? bc), and Democritus (460?–370? bc). Socrates (469?–399 bc) investigated ethics and politics. His greatest pupil, Plato (429?–347 bc), used Socrates' question-and-answer method of investigating philosophical problems in his famous dialogues. Plato's pupil Aristotle (384–322 bc) established the rules of deductive reasoning but also used observation and inductive reasoning, applying himself to the systematic study of almost every form of human endeavor. Outstanding in the Hellenistic period were Epicurus (341?–270 bc), the philosopher of moderation; Zeno (b.Cyprus, 335?–263? bc), the founder of Stoicism; and Diogenes (b.Asia Minor, 412?–323 bc), the famous Cynic. The oath of Hippocrates (460?–377 bc), the father of medicine, is still recited by newly graduating physicians. Euclid (fl.300 bc) evolved the system of geometry that bears his name. Archimedes (287?–212 bc) discovered the principles of mechanics and hydrostatics. Eratosthenes (275?–194? bc) calculated the earth's circumference with remarkable accuracy, and Hipparchus (190?–125? bc) founded scientific astronomy. Galen (ad 129?–199?) was an outstanding physician of ancient times.
The sculptor Phidias (490?–430? bc) created the statue of Athena and the figure of Zeus in the temple at Olympia and supervised the construction and decoration of the Parthenon. Another renowned sculptor was Praxiteles (390?–330? bc).
The legal reforms of Solon (638?–559? bc) served as the basis of Athenian democracy. The Athenian general Miltiades (554?–489? bc) led the victory over the Persians at Marathon in 490 bc, and Themistocles (528?–460? bc) was chiefly responsible for the victory at Salamis 10 years later. Pericles (495?–429? bc), the virtual ruler of Athens for more than 25 years, added to the political power of that city, inaugurated the construction of the Parthenon and other noteworthy buildings, and encouraged the arts of sculpture and painting. With the decline of Athens, first Sparta and then Thebes, under the great military tactician Epaminondas (418?–362 bc), gained the ascendancy; but soon thereafter, two military geniuses, Philip II of Macedon (382–336 bc) and his son Alexander the Great (356–323 bc), gained control over all of Greece and formed a vast empire stretching as far east as India. It was against Philip that Demosthenes (384–322 bc), the greatest Greek orator, directed his diatribes, the Philippics.
The most renowned Greek painter during the Renaissance was El Greco (Domenikos Theotokopoulos, 1541–1614), born in Crete, whose major works, painted in Spain, have influenced many 20th-century artists. An outstanding modern literary figure is Nikos Kazantzakis (1883–1957), a novelist and poet who composed a vast sequel to Homer's Odyssey. Leading modern poets are Kostes Palamas (1859–1943), Georgios Drosines (1859–1951), and Constantine Cavafy (1868–1933), as well as George Seferis (Seferiades, 1900–72), and Odysseus Elytis (Alepoudhelis, 1911–96), winners of the Nobel Prize for literature in 1963 and 1979, respectively. The work of social theorist Cornelius Castoriadis (1922–97) is known for its multidisciplinary breadth. Musicians of stature are the composers Nikos Skalkottas (1904–49), Iannis Xenakis (b.Romania, 1922–2001), and Mikis Theodorakis (b.1925); the conductor Dmitri Mitropoulos (1896–1960); and the soprano Maria Callas (Calogeropoulos, b.United States, 1923–77). Filmmakers who have won international acclaim are Greek-Americans John Cassavetes (1929–89) and Elia Kazan (1909–2003), and Greeks Michael Cacoyannis (b.1922) and Constantin Costa-Gavras (b.1933). Actresses of note are Katina Paxinou (1900–73); Melina Mercouri (1925–94), who was appointed minister of culture and science in the Socialist cabinet in 1981; and Irene Papas (Lelekou, b.1926).
Outstanding Greek public figures in the 20th century include Cretan-born Eleutherios Venizelos (1864–1936), prominent statesman of the interwar period; Ioannis Metaxas (1871–1941), dictator from 1936 until his death; Constantine Karamanlis (1907–98), prime minister (1955–63, 1974–80) and president (1980–85) of Greece; George Papandreou (1888–1968), head of the Center Union Party and prime minister (1963–65); and his son Andreas Papandreou (1919–96), the PASOK leader who became prime minister in 1981. Costas Simitis (b.1936) was leader of PASOK and prime minister from 1996–2004. He was succeeded by Kóstas Karamanlís (b.1956).
DEPENDENCIES
Greece has no territories or colonies.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brown, John Pairman. Ancient Israel and Ancient Greece: Religion, Politics, and Culture. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003.
Bryant, Joseph M. Moral Codes and Social Structure in Ancient Greece: A Sociology of Greek Ethics from Homer to the Epicureans and Stoics. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1996.
Camp, John M. The World of the Ancient Greeks. London: Thames and Hudson, 2002.
Cosmopoulos, Michael B. (ed.). The Parthenon and Its Sculptures. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
Frucht, Richard (ed.). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABCCLIO, 2005.
Green, Sarah F. Notes from the Balkans: Locating Marginality and Ambiguity on the Greek-Albanian Border. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005.
Greene, Ellen (ed.). Women Poets in Ancient Greece and Rome. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2005.
Halkias, Alexandra. The Empty Cradle of Democracy: Sex, Abortion, and Nationalism in Modern Greece. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.
Hazel, John. Who's Who in the Greek World. New York: Routledge, 2000.
International Smoking Statistics: A Collection of Historical Data from 30 Economically Developed Countries. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Lawrence, A.W. Greek Architecture. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996.
Legg, Kenneth R. Modern Greece: A Civilization on the Periphery. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997.
Morris, Ian. The Greeks: History, Culture, and Society. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006.
Sheehan, Sean. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece. Los Angeles, Calif.: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2002.
Speake, Graham (ed.) Encyclopedia of Greece and the Hellenic Tradition. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2000.
Wessels, Wolfgang, Andreas Maurer, and Jürgan Mittag (eds.). Fifteen into One?: the European Union and Its Member States. New York: Palgrave, 2003.
- MLA
- Chicago
- APA
"Greece." Worldmark Encyclopedia of Nations. 2007. Encyclopedia.com. 9 Jul. 2015<http://www.encyclopedia.com>.
http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Greece.aspx
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Greeks
Greek immigration to Canada began early in the 19th century. Greeks from the islands (eg, Crete, Syros and Skopelos) and from the Peloponnesus, especially the poor villages of the provinces of Arcadia and Laconia, settled in Montréal as early as 1843.
Greeks
Greek immigration to Canada began early in the 19th century. Greeks from the islands (eg, Crete, Syros and Skopelos) and from the Peloponnesus, especially the poor villages of the provinces of Arcadia and Laconia, settled in Montréal as early as 1843. However, in 1871 only 39 persons of Greek origin were known to be living in Canada. Greek immigration, sporadic prior to 1900, increased considerably in the early 20th century as a result of poverty, wars and political upheavals at home. The 2006 census recorded 242 685 people of Greek origin in Canada. These numbers, however, do not necessarily include those Greeks born in other countries such as Cyprus, Egypt, Turkey and the Balkan countries who identify themselves as Greeks.
Migration and Settlement
In 1901, 213 Greek immigrants resided throughout Canada; in 1911 the number was 2640; in 1931, 5580 and in 1941, 5871. Immigration was halted during WWII, but from 1946 to 1981 about 116 300 Greek immigrants entered Canada. According to the 2006 census, 63% of the 242 685 Greek Canadians lived in Montréal (61 770) and Toronto (90 585). About 82% of Greek Canadians lived in the provinces of Ontario (132 440) and Québec (65 985). In large Canadian cities Greeks tended to cluster in certain communities or neighbourhoods composed of their own ethnic background.
Economic Life
Generally the pre-WWII immigrants had little formal education, yet some of them are now among the wealthiest members of the Greek community, in which they are very active. Post-WWII immigrants were overrepresented in the unskilled occupational categories. In time many of them moved up the social scale by establishing their own small businesses.
Immigrant entrepreneurs are actively involved in the restaurant business, the FUR INDUSTRY, fruit and grocery wholesale and retail firms, travel agencies, etc. Those Greek immigrants who are professionals typically work as engineers, lawyers, doctors, university professors and civil servants. The Canadian-born Greeks, however, tend to enter higher professional and skilled occupations than their parents through higher academic attainment.
Social and Cultural Life
With the growth of Greek immigration after 1905, Greek settlements in Canada began to show signs of ethnic community formation. Cultural and patriotic associations were established first to help the immigrants adjust to the new society, to combat prejudice and discrimination and to preserve the Greek language and culture. In time the ethnic associations generated an interest in the formation of parish communities to perform both religious and cultural functions.
The establishment of the first Greek ORTHODOX CHURCHES in Montréal (1906) and in Toronto (1909) signified the beginning of Greek parish communities in Canada. The majority of Greek Canadians belong to the Greek Orthodox Church, headquartered in Toronto. The church has contributed significantly to the preservation of Greek identity through the use of the Greek language in religious services and through its devotion to Greek ideals. The leader of the Greek parish communities is the Metropolitan Bishop of Canada, through whom the church is associated with the Greek Orthodox diocese of North and South America. In 1993, 58 Greek Orthodox churches had been established throughout Canada to serve the spiritual needs of Greek Canadians. In the 2001 census, 215 165 people reported Greek Orthodox as their religion.
Major Greek organizations include the American Hellenic Educational and Progressive Association, introduced into Canada from the US in 1928, the Greek Orthodox Youth of America, the Hellenic Canadian Federation of Ontario, the Hellenic Canadian Federation of Québec and the Hellenic Canadian Congress. The congress was organized in 1986 to function as an umbrella organization for all Greek Canadians and to provide them with a united voice on the ethnocultural affairs at the federal governmental level. Many regional, philanthropic and social societies have been established to help newcomers and the regions from which they emigrated, and to promote understanding of Greek culture. The Veterans Association of the Greek National Resistance (1941-45) against Nazi occupation was established in 1981 in Montréal and Toronto and in 1991 in London, Ontario.
In the early 1980s a secular model of Greek community organizations appeared in various cities, including London, Sarnia and Markham in Ontario, and in Edmonton as an alternative to the traditional parish community structure. This type of organization constitutes an ethnocultural community without any religious functions of church affiliation. Greek Canadians are eligible for membership regardless of their religious background. The establishment of secular community structures are inevitable consequences of post-WWII demographic changes within Greek communities.
Several Greek Canadian newspapers, eg, the Hellenic Tribune, theGreek Canadian Weekly, the Greek Courier, theGreek Canadian Pressand the Hellenic Canadian Cultural Review, as well as magazines, have helped Greeks integrate into Canadian life while keeping them informed of events in Greece and Canada. Greek Canadians are also served by a number of Greek radio and television programs provided by multiethnic stations, particularly in the cities of Toronto and Montréal. Customs and traditions include celebrations of Greek national holidays (particularly March 25, Greek Independence Day), religious festivities and holidays and annual dances and picnics.
Group Maintenance
The Greek family and Greek language schools play an important role in teaching children the Greek language and values, and in providing them with some sense of identity with Greek culture. Since the 1960s Greek language schools have grown in variety and enrolment and in the 2006 census 123 575 people in Canada reported Greek as their mother tongue (first language learned). The preservation of Greek culture is important to Greek Canadians as it provides them with personal pride for the contributions of their ancestors to Western civilization and a sense of belonging in coping with alienation in a complex society.
Despite the efforts to preserve their cultural heritage, Greek Canadians of the mid-1990s are uncertain about the future of Hellenism in Canada. New social trends such as decrease of Greek immigrants to Canada, decline in ethnic group membership and increase in marriages outside the Greek group are viewed by Greek Canadian scholars and leaders of Greek organizations as a threat to the survival of Greek culture in Canada. However, as active participants in the Canadian Mosaic, Greek Canadians of all generations will continue to make important contributions to the economic and cultural growth of Canadian society.
Suggested Reading
- Peter D. Chimbos, The Canadian Odyssey: The Greek Experience in Canada (1980) and "The Changing Organization of Greek Canadian Communities," in International Journal of Comparative Sociology (1987); George Vlassis, The Greeks in Canada(1953); Efrosini Gavaki, The Integration of Greeks in Canada (1977); Stephanos Constantinides, Les Grecs du Québec (1983).
http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/greeks/
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21 things
they never tell you about poor countries
FEBRUARY 24,
2014
Prompted by Bill
Gates’s annual letter and the response from the Overseas Development Institute I thought I’d list some of the
things that in my experience seem to be less understood about poor countries.
(I wanted to list 23 things like Ha-Joon Chang on capitalism but I couldn’t think of another two). I use the word poor on purpose
because although the word risks sounding patronising or dismissive, euphemisms
like developing and less-developed can be worse. Thoughts are welcome.
1. Poverty is the rule, not the exception. For most people
life just isn’t as good as it is for you and I, the comfortable people from a
country rich enough to allow us the literacy, time and Internet access to read
blogs written by well-meaning left liberals. Poverty-as-rule-not -exception is
difficult to bend our minds around because we tend to base our views about the
world on direct experience. If people around us seem mostly well-fed and
content, then why shouldn’t everybody else be?
Although things are
improving, a huge chunk of the world’s population remain poor. Nearly a
fifth of humans, 1.29 billion, are considered extremely poor . In effect the
equivalent of every man, woman and child in Europe, the United States and the
Middle East scrape by on 75 British pence a day adjusted for the cost of living
in each country. About a third of the world lives on less than $2 a day. The
poorest half of the world – 3.5 billion people – own only 0.71% of the world’s wealth between them.
A billion people
live in chronic hunger. Nearly a third of all children are chronically
malnourished, which unless addressed before the age of two often leaves them
stunted and mentally impaired. A sixth of the world’s adults can’t read
or write and many more have only rudimentary literacy. Sub-Saharan Africa has
only two doctors for every 10,000 people, which is partly why on average its
inhabitants live to an average age of 56.
Rather than a term
like “developing” to describe these people and countries, the travel writer Dervla Murphy’s
phrase “majority world” is more accurate.
2. Most countries aren’t well-off. The following graph
using World Bank datashows that most
countries have a relatively low level of national income per capita. 120
nations earn less per person than the world average. When you reach an income
per capita of about US$20,000, about half that of the UK, there’s a big jump.
Bermudan national income per person is US$104,590, 455 times that of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
National income per capita, US$
[NB. Not all
country labels fit on the vertical graph.]
3. More poor people live in Asia than in Africa. Everybody seems to
be wittering on about the Asian Century these days – and Asian development has
been miraculous. But about 69% of Indians live on less than US$2 per day: 850
million people. A third of Chinese, 400 million, remain similarly poor despite
the country’s amazing success in reducing poverty. Together those two countries
contain more poor people than there are Africans.
4. The distinction between “developed” and “developing” countries
is meaningless. What’s Brazil got to do with Liberia? Not much,
apart from an Atlantic coast. One is a newly-industrialising behemoth with an
average income near the world average. The other is one of the world’s poorest,
emerging from war. Yet both are officially considered developing. China,
Turkey, Russia, Indonesia, Mexico and India are all big and relatively dynamic
even if they also contain a lot of poor people. Millions of people in those
countries live just like Europeans, and the emergence of these nations is one
of the biggest reasons why poverty will continue to drop in the coming decades.
Yet plenty countries also called developing are being left behind. I count 41 supposedly
developing nations which in 2012 on some criterion had real incomes that were
lower than a decade earlier. They’re probably better described as undeveloping.
5. Lying on the beach in Thailand or Gambia doesn’t tell you much about
poverty. We still don’t know as much as we should about poverty and we try to
ignore poor people. Most people’s experience of the global poor is the waiter
at their table or the pool attendant, the ones lucky enough to have jobs. Only
by direct experience and immersion in local circumstances is it possible to
have a vague inkling of what it might be like to be genuinely destitute.
There’s no obligation on holidaymakers to go wandering around in slums, but
anybody who claims knowledge about deprivation should experience or observe it
first-hand for themselves, ideally for a long time.
6. Our main tool for understanding poor countries – mainstream economics
– is woefully inadequate and all about the rich world. A sample of 76,000
economics journal articles published between 1985 and 2005 shows that more papers were published about
the United States than on Europe, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East and
Africa combined. Like I said in this blog post, that’s as ridiculous as if biologists
researched only flowers, or physicists only outer space. It’s no wonder that
the mainstream model of human beings bears no resemblance to most people on the
planet. Economists start from the assumption that humans are individualistic,
utility-maximising and strictly rational in a narrow sense. Actually many
people are communitarian, social, non-calculating, uncertain about the future
and often act according to sentiment or whim. Mainstream economics allows no
theory of power or politics and can’t see the world economy as a system.
7. The economic statistics on poor countries are awful. Which undermines my
first four points. As Morten Jerven says in his book Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled By African Development
Statistics And What To Do About It, “the most basic metric of development, GDP,
should not be treated as an objective number but rather as a number that is a
product of a process in which a range of arbitrary and controversial
assumptions are made.” Jerven finds that the discrepancy between different GDP
estimates is up to a half in some cases. This supports my experience from
working in the least developed countries, where statistics offices are usually
underfunded and don’t have the resources to collect data often or well enough.
There’s a kind of
false scientism: foreign academic economists spend ages refining complicated
econometric models despite the raw material being rubbish. In the absence of
good numbers, the only immediate alternative is to live in a country, to use
good theory and to rely where necessary on case studies and even anecdote.
8. We need somewhere to make our T-shirts. The global
development story is all about how wonderful it would be if we could end
poverty. But the current economic system relies on cheapness. Capitalism
functions partly via its ability to maintain low wages. Why has global
inflation been so low over the past decade or more? Partly, the China effect,
whereby the opening up of huge untapped labour markets meant that whole Western
industries could outsource their manufacturing and that new local manufacturers
could emerge. China’s rural poor keep Foxconn workers on their toes – if you
don’t like assembling iPhones at US$18 for a 10-hour day (much higher than it
used to be) 1000 people are waiting to take your place.
Nairobi’s Kibera
slum-dwellers and rural poor keep wages low by functioning as a reserve army of
labour willing to work for peanuts. In Haiti garment manufacturers recently
argued that a minimum wage rise to the equivalent of five dollars a day would
kill their business. Wikileaks published documents showing that the United
States government earlier fought to cap daily pay at three dollars. The
country’s only major export industry is clothing destined for the United
States.
It’d be worth
paying a lot more for our t-shirts if it meant that the people who made them
had decent lives. An increase in demand via higher wages would support economic
growth. But it’s also naïve to think that western consumers would pay much more
for their t-shirts or that businesses would tolerate big wage hikes.
9. Inequality matters at least as much as poverty. A report from Oxfam
last month pointed out that 85 people, about as many as
would fit on a double-decker bus, own as much wealth as the bottom half of the
world’s population.
The Spirit Level by Kate Pickett and
Richard Wilkinson shows that equality is good for everyone. Redistribution
reduces poverty and makes life better for the rich in the form of less crime,
better education and a more cohesive society. Global inequality is
getting worse, not better. If we don’t radically reduce inequality the poor
will eat us, so aid isn’t an option, and it’s not about the rich world “saving”
the poor. It’s essential for everyone.
10. Africa isn’t a country. Although sub-Saharan Africa’s economy
is still much smaller than Britain’s, some Africans are fat, go to the
supermarket and drive cars. Many are very poor. The rise of the African middle
class is one of the most under-reported stories of our times. If people in the
UK think about the continent at all they think of the Ethiopian famine of the 1980s.
Partly this is the fault of the major news media, which have cut back on
foreign coverage so much that all they report on is Big Events – a bomb, a
famine, a war. Reporters who occasionally fly in from abroad miss the
cumulative series of small happenings that amount to a trend. To show only
negative TV stories about Africa smears the whole continent. The Central
African Republic isn’t Botswana, which isn’t Namibia. Within countries the
divide between urban and rural populations is increasingly stark.
11. Not all poor countries are corrupt. Corruption tends to
be more obvious in some poor countries because the police aren’t very good, the
rule of law isn’t established and small-scale bribery may have become
entrenched, but a country isn’t necessarily poor because the wealth has all
been stolen. All sorts of other more important reasons explain poverty, like
political instability, bad economic policy, colonial history, an over-reliance
on tropical commodities, distance from major markets, being landlocked and poor
health and education.
Relatively
uncorrupt poor countries I’ve worked in or on include Vanuatu, Fiji, Kiribati,
Tuvalu, Samoa, Tonga, the Federated States of Micronesia, Bhutan, Cape Verde
and Mauritius. Arguably a good hundred others are less corrupt than when the
United States or Britain were industrialising.
In the UK until the
early 1800s it was perfectly normal for ministers to ‘borrow’ their
departmental funds for personal profit. Until 1870, appointments of
high-ranking civil servants in Britain were made on the basis of patronage
rather than merit. The British government chief whip was actually called thepatronage secretary of the Treasury because distributing patronage was his main job. (h/t M. Ibrahim)
This was at a time when Britain became the first superpower.
Arguably the
banking industry and its takeover of American and European governments
represents a far bigger and more dangerous form of corruption than even the
bribery and political theft that blights the likes of Nigeria. In the US and UK
lobbying is a multi-billion dollar business which subverts the democratic
process. From 2008 onwards , encouraged by lobbyists, the UK government
committed to spending a staggering trillion pounds on the bank bailout,
which is about ten years’ worth of National Health Service funding. It wasn’t
as obvious as baksheesh but it amounted to the same thing only on a vastly
larger scale. One academic estimates that by the end of 2012 the UK bailout had
cost the taxpayer up to 13% of one year’s economic production.
Corruption doesn’t
necessarily cause poverty: that’s like blaming poor countries for their own
failures. In some cases quite the reverse can be true. Some people argue that
corruption has helped national politicians align their interests with that of
their country. Indonesia’s President Suharto understood that if he generated
wealth there’d be more to steal, so he installed a team of technocrats whose
sole job it was to grow the economy; immoral but effective.
12. Money doesn’t make you happy. Up to about
US$75,000 a year it does – and most people aren’t anywhere near that level –
but beyond that it doesn’t have any effect, according to Nobel prize-winning
psychologist Daniel Kahneman.
“The four basic needs: food, housing, clothes and medicine must be cheap and
easy for everybody. That’s civilisation”, says Jon Jandai, a farmer from northeast
Thailand. I’d add primary, secondary and tertiary education, too.
13. Poor countries can learn from the mistakes of the rich on the
environment and life satisfaction. Lower income countries have
leapfrogged some technologies. For example many will never install fixed
telephone lines because mobile coverage is so good. Vast numbers of people will
never touch a PC, doing all their computing on a smartphone or tablet.
The governments of
poor countries should be more adventurous, leapfrogging ideologies too. Some
proponents of economic growth argue that environmental sustainability and a
focus on happiness will handicap poverty reduction. But it could enable some
countries to prioritise the important things in life. Endless growth is
impossible and undesirable.
Beyond a certain
point rich inefficiency is the real problem. Why do developing countries ape
the development paths and economic structures of the West? We are wage slaves
who perform bullshit jobsso
that we can service our mortgages. The advance of the car ruined everyone’s
quality of life so that a minority can sit in air-conditioned metal boxes in
jams. Clever though-leadership in the majority world could lead the way
for the rich. Bhutan’s idea of Gross National Happiness is an example.
14. The world isn’t overpopulated. There’s plenty of
food to go round. World agriculture produces 17% more calories per person today
than it did 30 years ago despite a 70% population increase, due to rising
yields, higher farming intensity and more use of land. The real problems
are the system of distribution and energy use. If the rich world didn’t
hog all the food and produce it inefficiently there’d be enough for everyone.
15. Governments often do things better than markets. Market
fundamentalism is the new global creed, and yet most countries that developed
successfully did it initially via heavy government intervention. Markets suffer
from serious coordination failure. The global free-flow of capital and trade
renders poor countries more vulnerable. As the United Kingdom has proven,
natural monopolies like the railways, post office and water and electricity
utilities are better off in public ownership. In poorer countries the case for
government ownership is even stronger.
16. Most countries that successfully reduced poverty didn’t directly try
to reduce poverty. They aimed at economic transformation. A fall in
poverty was an indirect result of an increase in productive capacity.
Investment rates and capital accumulation were high and aimed at enterprise
development and technological improvement, as well as structural change toward
developing the non-traditional sectors, including linkages to agriculture and
the wider economy.
This sort of
obliquity is what John Kay talks about in his book of the same name. If you try to
target things directly you often fail.
17. How rich countries behave is often more important than how much they
spend on aid. The 2008 global economic crisis, which was caused largely by the
financial sector, increased poverty for hundreds of millions of people. The collapse
in international trade hurt all countries, developing and industrialised. But
while the big and emerging nations might recover, the poorest couldn’t cope. A
downturn in exports can be life-and-death. When European orders stopped coming,
Kenyan flower farm workers simply sat idle. Foreign investment inflows also
dwindled. There is a large group at the global periphery which won’t
rebound for a long time — and for many people, it is already too late.
Nicholas Shaxson’s
excellent book Treasure Islands suggests that Transparency International’scorruption
perceptions index has things the wrong way round: we should rank countries
on banking secrecy, not graft. The real economic issue is that rich nations
harbour ill-gotten spoils, not that Charles Taylor foists himself on Liberia.
18. Just give them the f-ing money, as Bob Geldof sort-of said. Daily
Mail readers seem to think that the world has already given enough aid, but in
reality an enormous amount remains to be done, as should be clear from points 1
and 9. More aid should be in the form grants rather than loans. Cash transfers
are the best way of delivering some help. For example the British Department
for International Development works with Unicef and the Kenyan Government in
Korogocho, Nairobi, to improve the lives of orphans and vulnerable children
through a cash transfer scheme which gives very poor families 3000 Kenyan
shillings (about £25) every two months for help with basic household expenses.
It cuts out the middleman and it’s been proven through robust testing to reduce
poverty, hunger and inequality.
19. Rich countries don’t spend much on aid. The amount
officially spent on each poor person globally is US$20 a year, according to the
World Bank. The amount has doubled in the last decade following a dip in the
late 1990s. But several opinion polls show that rich country inhabitants think
they’re much more generous than they really are. Americans think that their government spends 28% of
the budget on aid when it’s really about 1%. Brits are almost as bad. The result of this widespread
overestimation of generosity is that many people in rich countries want to cut
aid.
20. Aid works: both developmental and humanitarian. It’s not widely known that
development aid was instrumental in supporting the growth of Singapore, one of
the world’s most remarkable economic success stories. The United Nations
Development Programme contributed 744 technical assistants from 1950 onwards
and spent US$27 million on development help. In 1960 a visiting UNDP team led
by Dutchman Dr Albert Winsemius, who became a trusted adviser to Lee Kuan Yew
until the 1980s, wrote a report entitled “A proposed industrialisation
programme for the State of Singapore”. This document formed the basis of early
development strategy. Other major aid recipients that now receive very little
include Botswana, Morocco, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Thailand,
Mauritius and Malaysia. Bill Gates reckons that through a combination of
aid and spontaneous economic development there won’t be any very poor people left
by 2035.
He calculates that 100 million deaths have been
avoided since the drop in child mortality since 1980, the start of the “Child
Survival Revolution” that made vaccines and oral rehydration therapy much more
widespread. Total aid, $500 billion, counts money for vaccines, HIV/AIDS,
family planning, and water and sanitation from all donors. That works out at
US$5000 per life saved, which he rightly says is quite cheap. Hundreds of millions of people have been
immunized against Polio, treated for TB and given anti-retroviral treatment for
HIV/AIDS.
21. Charity sometimes isn’t the best way of tackling poverty.Sometimes
it is. Just because a service is provided freely or from donations doesn’t mean
it is better. Often governments are better-placed to deliver assistance
because they have better expertise, economies of scale and political access.
Taxation places a similar burden on everyone and makes aid revenues more
predictable. Sometimes, though, charities have better access and niche skills.
Volunteer organisations often have a long history in certain locations and they
can avoid accusations of political interference.
http://emergenteconomics.com/2014/02/24/21-things-they-never-tell-you-about-poor-countries/ ------------------
Greece
Written by: John Frederick Haldon
Alternative titles: Ellás; Ellinikí Dhimokratía; Hel
lenic Republic
Greece, the southernmost of the countries of the Balkan Peninsula. Geography has greatly influenced the country’s development. Mountains have historically restricted internal communications, but the sea has opened up wider horizons. The total land area of Greece (one-fifth of which is made up of the Greek islands) is comparable in size to England or the U.S. state of Alabama.
Greece has more than 2,000 islands, of which about 170 are inhabited; some of the easternmost Aegean islands lie just a few miles off the Turkish coast. The country’s capital isAthens, which expanded rapidly in the second half of the 20th century. Attikí (ancient Greek: Attica), the area around the capital, is now home to about one-third of the country’s entire population.
A Greek legend has it that God distributed soil through a sieve and used the stones that remained to build Greece. The country’s barren landscape has historically caused the people to migrate. The Greeks, like the Jews and the Armenians, traditionally have been a people of diaspora, and several million people of Greek descent live in various parts of the world. Xeniteia, or sojourning in foreign lands, with its strong overtones of nostalgia for the faraway homeland, has been a central element in the historical experience of the Greek people.
Greece is a country that is at once European, Balkan, Mediterranean, and Near Eastern. It lies at the juncture of Europe, Asia, and Africa and is heir to the heritages of Classical Greece, the Byzantine Empire, and nearly four centuries of Ottoman Turkish rule.
Land
Greece is bordered to the east by the Aegean Sea, to the south by the Mediterranean Sea, and to the west by the Ionian Sea. Only to the north and northeast does it have land borders (totaling some 735 miles [1,180 km]), with, from west to east, Albania, the Republic of Macedonia (see Researcher’s Note: Macedonia: the provenance of the name), Bulgaria, andTurkey. The Greek landscape is conspicuous not only for its rugged beauty but also for its complexity and variety. Three elements dominate: the sea, the mountains, and the lowland. The Greek mainland is sharply indented; arms and inlets of the sea penetrate so deeply that only a small, wedge-shaped portion of the interior is more than 50 miles (80 km) from the coast. The rocky headlands and peninsulas extend outward to the sea where there are many island arcs and archipelagoes. The southernmost part of mainland Greece, the Pelopónnisos (ancient Greek: Peloponnese) peninsula, connects to the mainland only by the narrow isthmus at the head of the Gulf of Korinthiakós (Corinth). Greece’s mountainous terrain covers some four-fifths of the country, much of which is deeply dissected. A series of mainland mountain chains running northwest-southeast enclose narrow parallel valleys and numerous small basins that once held lakes. With riverine plains and thin, discontinuous strips of coastal plain, these interior valleys and basins constitute the lowland. Although it accounts for only about one-fifth of the country’s land area, the lowland has played an important role in the life of the country.
Relief
Three characteristics of geology and structure underlie these landscape elements. First, northeastern Greece is occupied by a stable block of ancient (Hercynian) hard rock. Second, younger and weaker rocks, the majority of which are of limestone origin, make up western and southern Greece. These were heavily folded during the Alp-building phase of the Paleogene and Neogene periods (about 65 to 2.6 million years ago), when Earth movements thrust the softer sediments east-northeast against the unyielding Hercynian block and produced a series of roughly parallel tectonic zones that gave rise to the mountain-and-valley relief. Third, both the Hercynian block and the Hellenidic (Alpine) ranges were subsequently raised and fractured by tectonic movements. These dislocations created the sunken basins of the Ionian and Aegean seas as well as the jagged edges so typical of Greece’s landscape. Earthquakes are frequent reminders that similar earth movements continue, particularly along the major fault lines. One result of the region’s geologic instability is the widespread presence of marble, which is limestone that has been altered by pressure and heat. Seismic disturbances are sometimes associated with volcanic explosions, especially those involving the island of Thíra (ancient Greek: Thera; also called Santoríni), which was virtually destroyed by a major eruption in the 2nd millennium bce. The vents of the Kaméni islands in the sea-filled explosion crater of Thíra remain active. The island of Mílos (Melos), which rises to 2,465 feet (751 metres) above sea level, is composed of young volcanic rocks.
Relief and geology provide the basis for describing the Greek landscape in terms of six major regions: central, northeastern, eastern, southern, and western mainland Greece, along with the islands.
CENTRAL GREECE: THE PÍNDOS MOUNTAINS
The central mountain range, the Píndos (ancient Greek:Pindus) Mountains, forms the core of mainland Greece. Following the general northwest-southeast trend of the mountains of the Balkan Peninsula, the Píndos sweep down from the Albanian and Macedonian frontiers, creating a powerful barrier. The two passes of Métsovon and Mount Timfristós divide the range into three units: a fairly open segment in the north where impervious shales and sandstones have weathered and formed into extensive upland valleys and gently inclining hills; the Píndos proper in the centre, some 20 miles (32 km) wide and predominantly limestone; and an almost uncrossable zone in the south, about 50 miles (80 km) wide, deeply cut by winding rivers and composed of a mixture of limestone, slates, and sandstones. The range’s highest point, Mount Smólikas, 8,652 feet (2,637 metres) high, is found in the north.
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